chapter 3. Issue Publics and the Distribution of Political Motivation

Orthodox arrangement of the Pochaiv Lavra in the second third of the XIX century.

Ukrainian Religious Studies ◽

10.32420/2020.92.2149 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 13-41

Author(s):

Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Keyword(s):

Local Level ◽

The Political ◽

Special Role ◽

Economic Activities ◽

Government Officials ◽

Political Motivation ◽

Archival Documents ◽

The Status ◽

The Russian Empire ◽

Xix Century

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.

Download Full-text

The international politics of amour propre: Revisiting Rousseau’s place in international relations theory

Journal of International Political Theory ◽

10.1177/1755088220983832 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 175508822098383

Author(s):

Joshua D King

Keyword(s):

International Politics ◽

Political Responsibility ◽

State Behavior ◽

Economic Wealth ◽

Self Interest ◽

International Political Theory ◽

Political Motivation ◽

Institutional Cooperation ◽

Trade Regimes ◽

The Eu

Realism, constructivism, and liberal institutionalism share the assumption that states are rational and self-maximizing actors. While these theories disagree as to whether states prioritize military power or economic wealth, they converge around the notion that states pursue these goods rationally and predictably. Complaints against and threats of defection from prominent international security and trade regimes, including NATO and the EU, raise doubts about states’ rationality and predictability. Perhaps these theories’ shared assumption about rational action has become an impediment to understanding state behavior and institutional cooperation. To enrich and to expand the conversation within international political theory, my article turns to Rousseau’s international political thought. Rousseau anticipates central arguments in each of the major traditions of IR theory but locates political self-interest in the sub-rational passion amour propre rather than in reason itself. Rousseau exemplifies a more nuanced way to understand the irrational roots of political motivation and the limits of international order. My paper traces the international implications of amour propre through Rousseau’s key texts on international politics and turns to his “Letter to Philopolis” as a way to re-frame Rousseau’s account of political responsibility.

Download Full-text

What Makes People Hot? Applying the Situational Theory of Problem Solving to Hot-Issue Publics

Journal of Public Relations Research ◽

10.1080/1062726x.2012.626133 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 24 (2) ◽

pp. 144-164 ◽

Cited By ~ 42

Author(s):

Jeong-Nam Kim ◽

Lan Ni ◽

Sei-Hill Kim ◽

Jangyul Robert Kim

Keyword(s):

Problem Solving ◽

Issue Publics ◽

Situational Theory

Download Full-text

The Pleasure Principle: Why (Some) People Develop a Taste for Politics

10.31235/osf.io/347zn ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

Alexander Wuttke

Keyword(s):

Political Science ◽

Political Engagement ◽

Psychological Needs ◽

Need Satisfaction ◽

Basic Psychological Needs ◽

Information Value ◽

Pleasure Principle ◽

Psychological Theories ◽

Basic Tenet ◽

Political Motivation

Often, citizens talk politics or watch political shows solely for the pleasure they derive from these activities. Yet, existing theories struggle to explain why (some) individuals engage with politics as an end in itself even if the behavior does not produce any separable instrumental value. Integrating psychological theories from motivation studies, this study deduces a need-based model of political motivation in order to explain intrinsic political engagement. The model proposes that intrinsic political motivation has roots in the seemingly apolitical processes of need satisfaction which are deeply ingrained in the human psyche. Providing a theoretical framework for existing political science findings, this study argues that citizens seek behaviors they previously experienced as pleasurable. Differences in intrinsic political motivation are therefore theorized to reflect whether political engagement was previously experienced as satisfying basic psychological needs which is argued to predict both whether and how individuals engage with politics. By manipulating need-related situational features before and during political engagement, a pre-registered survey experiment tested the basic tenet that need-related experiences with politics affect the quality and quantity of future activities in the political domain. However, 15 out of 15 analytical tests do not yield the expected evidence in line with the need-based model of political motivation. Showcasing a step-wise approach for dealing with null-results in hypothesis-driven research to assess and increase the information value of the conducted analysis, the presented evidence calls into question the accuracy of the presented theory and the previous insights in psychology and political science on which it was built. This study thus adds a new piece to the puzzle of understanding what does and what does not underlie intrinsic motivation for political engagement.

Download Full-text

An Empirical Test Of Politically-Motivated Income Smoothing In The Oil Refining Industry

Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) ◽

10.19030/jabr.v10i1.5967 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

pp. 92 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Richard H. Fern ◽

Betty C. Brown ◽

Steven W. Dickey

Keyword(s):

Empirical Test ◽

Income Smoothing ◽

Refining Industry ◽

Oil Refining ◽

The Past ◽

Accounting Choices ◽

Political Motivation ◽

Reported Earnings

<span>This paper reports the results of a study of income smoothing in the oil refining industry for years 1971 through 1989. Evidence of a political motivation to practice such smoothing behavior is also reported. The methodology follows closely that of Ronen and Sadan (1981) which found strong smoothing behavior for oil firms in the 1953 to 1972 period. Two types of smoothing behavior were examined classificatory and intertemporal. Based on the analysis, oil firms were found to have a strong political motivation to manage reported earnings. There was no evidence of significant classificatory smoothing behavior by the 26 firms in the study. However, there was significant intertemporal smoothing behavior suggested, although to a less degree than that suggested by Ronen and Sadan. This reduction in smoothing behavior seems to indicate that over the past 20 years standard setters have been somewhat successful in reducing purely arbitrary accounting choices.</span>

Download Full-text

How Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivations Interact in Selectivity: Investigating the Moderating Effects of Situational Information Processing Goals in Issue Publics' Web Behavior

Communication Research ◽

10.1177/0093650206298069 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 34 (2) ◽

pp. 185-211 ◽

Cited By ~ 35

Author(s):

Young Mie Kim

Keyword(s):

Information Processing ◽

Moderating Effects ◽

Issue Publics ◽

Situational Information ◽

Intrinsic And Extrinsic Motivations

Download Full-text

The Democratic Divide

Encyclopedia of Cyber Behavior ◽

10.4018/978-1-4666-0315-8.ch083 ◽

2012 ◽

pp. 1010-1017

Author(s):

Seong-Jae Min

Keyword(s):

Political Participation ◽

Human Behavior ◽

Digital Literacy ◽

Communication Technologies ◽

The Political ◽

Social Question ◽

Political Motivation ◽

Different Levels ◽

Critical Social

The democratic divide, or the political participation gap in cyberspace, raises a critical social question as it suggests that new communication technologies, which are expected to contribute to the development of all humans, actually widen the political inequalities among different segments of people. Studies of the democratic divide show that human behavior in cyberspace is not equal, as individuals possess different levels of digital literacy and political motivation. The democratic divide will likely persist in a variety of forms.

Download Full-text