scholarly journals The EU’s Maritime Security Strategy: a Neo-Medieval Perspective on the Limits of Soft Security?

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (75) ◽  
pp. 9-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Flynn

Abstract This paper offers a critical interpretation of the EU’s recent Maritime Security Strategy (MSS) of 2014, making distinctions between hard and soft conceptions of maritime security. The theoretical approach employed invokes the ‘EU as neo-medieval empire’ (Bull 1977: 254-255; Rennger 2006; Zielonka 2006). By this account, the main objectives of EU maritime strategy are stability and encouragement of globalised maritime trade flows to be achieved using the classic instruments of ‘soft maritime security’. While replete with great possibilities, the EU’s maritime security strategy is likely to be a relatively weak maritime security regime, which suffers from a number of important limits.

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meng-Hsuan Chou ◽  
Marianne Riddervold

How, if at all, does the Commission’s expertise inform intergovernmental decision-making within the EU? In this article, we aim to capture the relationship between the Commission’s expertise and its influence within intergovernmental policy-areas through a study of Commission influence in two least likely sectors: security and defence policies (military mission <em>Atalanta </em>and EU Maritime Security Strategy) and external migration (EU mobility partnerships with third countries). In these cases we observe that the Commission strongly informs policy developments even though it has only limited formal competences. To explore whether and, if so, how this influence is linked to its expertise, we develop and consider two hypotheses: The <em>expert authority hypothesis </em>and the <em>expert arguments hypothesis. </em>To identify possible additional channels of influence, we also consider the relevance of two alternative hypotheses: The <em>strategic coalition hypothesis</em> and the <em>institutional circumvention hypothesis</em>. We find that the Commission’s use of its expertise is indeed key to understanding its <em>de facto</em> influence within policy-areas where its formal competences remain limited. Our findings add to the existing literature by revealing how expertise matters. Specifically, our cases show that the Commission informs intergovernmental decision-making by successfully linking discussions to policy-areas where it holds expert authority. However, the Commission also informs EU policies by circumventing the formal lines of intergovernmental decision-making, and by cooperating with member states that share its preference for further integration.


2005 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 229-244
Author(s):  
Mustafa Türkes

The paper analyses the East European countries' (EEC) security strategy in light of contesting US and Franco-German hegemonic projects. The EEC' s quest for a dual-guarantee strategy, which aims to get hard security from the US through NATO and soft security from the EU, is detailed as to show objectives of the EEC. It is concluded that although this strategy may succeed in times of crisis, it is untenable in the long run because the terms of relations between the EEC and both the US and EU are largely defined by the latter two, not by the EEC. Thus, rather than escaping from one-way dependency, the EEC's dual-guarantee strategy may result in dual dependency on both the US and the EU.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 799-826 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hadyu Ikrami

Abstract On 19 June 2017, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines launched the Sulu-Sulawesi Seas Patrol (SSSP), a framework of maritime security cooperation aimed at protecting the Sulu Sea and Sulawesi (Celebes) Sea from maritime crimes. The three nations had announced that their cooperation might be modelled on the Malacca Straits Patrol (MSP), a similar form of cooperation between Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand to safeguard the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. This article primarily compares both cooperative frameworks, and argues that the SSSP should be modelled on the MSP, subject to certain conditions. Where there are insufficient best practices in the MSP, this article contrasts the SSSP with other similar cooperative frameworks, including the Combined Maritime Forces and the ECOWAS Integrated Maritime Strategy. In addition, this article also discusses the relationship between the SSSP and MSP on one hand, and the ASEAN maritime security mechanisms on the other hand.


Author(s):  
Vidmantas Tūtlys ◽  
Daiva Bukantaitė ◽  
Sergii Melnyk ◽  
Aivaras Anužis

The paper compares the institutional development of skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine by focusing on the implications of the post-communist transition and Europeanization and exploring the role of policy transfer. The research follows the theoretical approach of historical institutionalism and skills formation ecosystems. Despite similar critical junctures typical for the institutional development of skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine within this timeframe, the existing differences of these development pathways can be explained by the different policy choices and different impacts of the institutional legacy. The main implication of integration with the EU for skills formation in Lithuania and Ukraine is related with enabling holistic and strategic institutional development of skills formation institutions. The paper concludes that policy transfer was one of the key driving forces and capacity-building sources in the development of skills formation institutions in both countries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ayusia Sabhita Kusuma

Regarding the significance of Malacca Strait as a key maritime�s �choke-point� passage betweenIndian and Pacific oceans, some major countries become dependence with the security and safetyin Malacca Sea Lines of Communications (SLOC). China and India are two states-user ofMalacca Strait which sharing common interests of economic, maritime trade and energy supplies.The problem is, as a regional power of each region, India and China have an ambition to controlthe security of Malacca�s Strait. China which is more dependent with its 80% trade and energysupply through Malacca Strait, facing �Malacca dilemma� regarding the issue. Then, with thestrategy of �string of pearls� and the modernization of of People�s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN),China became assertive to save its interests. India, which has control over Indian Ocean then feelthreaten by China�s activities around Malacca Strait and Indian Ocean. India starts and enhancesthe development of Andaman Nicobar Command with US support near Malacca Straits to counterChina�s development. This paper will analyze the development of China�s dan India�s maritimestrategy rivalry in Malacca Straits with the concepts of balance of power and maritime strategy. Keywords: Malacca Strait, China�s maritime strategy, India�s maritime strategy, rivalry, balanceof power


Author(s):  
Louis Sicking

AbstractPiracy holds a special place within the field of international law because of the universal jurisdiction that applies: any state may seize a pirate ship on the high seas and decide upon the penalties to be imposed, as is currently the case with Somali and West African pirates. Unlike today, piracy was the norm in pre-modern times. Maritime trade and piracy went hand in hand. At the same time, kings and emperors recruited their admirals from among pirates. This raises the question of how princes, states and cities distinguished between legal and illegal violence at sea. How did they deal with maritime conflict among themselves and among their respective subjects and citizens? This article puts maritime conflict management in a European, global and long term perspective while avoiding anachronistic and teleological approaches. Finally, it argues that pre-modern conflict management is relevant to understand maritime security in the twenty-first century.


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