Swahili coordinated infinitives and non-canonical case-marking

2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Riedel ◽  
Mark de Vos

AbstractSwahili exhibits a construction where a tensed and an infinitival clause are coordinated. This is an example of “unbalanced” coordination insofar as one verb is tensed and the other is not. Furthermore, the licensing of an overt subject in the infinitival clause problematizes Case Theory because infinitival clauses do not assign nominative case. The construction is also puzzling because although it bears some characteristics of pseudo-coordination it also has properties reminiscent of true coordination. Despite the theoretical questions this raises, the construction has not been adequately addressed in the literature: to our knowledge, this paper presents the first-ever theoretical analysis of this construction. We argue that the conjuncts are at least coordinated AgrSPs (the subject agreement phrase) dominated by TP (the tense phrase) which licenses case-marked subjects in both conjuncts.

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gualtiero Calboli

AbstractI started from the relative clause which occurs in Hittite, and in particular with the enclitic position of the relative pronoun. This is connected with the OV position and this position seems to have been prevailing in Hittite and PIE. The syntactic structure usually employed in Hittite between different clauses is the parataxis. Nevertheless, also the hypotaxis begins to be employed and the best occasion to use it was the diptych as suggested by Haudry, though he didn't consider the most natural and usual diptych: the law, where the crime and the sanction build a natural diptych already in old Hittite. Then I used Justus' and Boley's discussion on the structure of Hittite sentence and found a similarity with Latin, namely the use of an animate subject as central point of a sentence. With verbs of action in ancient languages the subject was normally an animate being, whereas also inanimate subject is employed in modern languages. This seems to be the major difference between ancient and modern structure of a sentence, or, better to say, in Hittite and PIE the subject was an animate being and this persisted a long time, and remained as a tendency in Latin, while in following languages and in classical grammar the subject became a simple nominal “entity” to be predicated and precised with verb and other linguistic instruments. A glance has been cast also to pronouns and particles (sometimes linked together) as instruments of linking nominal variants of coordinate or subordinate clauses and to the development of demonstrative/deictic pronouns. Also in ancient case theory a prevailing position was assured to the nominative case, the case of the subject.


1987 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-298
Author(s):  
Camillia N. Barrett-Keach

Swahili has two forms of inanimate pronominal clitics. One, like the relative pronouns, typically ends with /o/ and the other, like the subject agreement affixes, are never /o/ final. According to the traditionalists, a semantic feature associated with /o/ differentiates two sets of clitics semantically as well as phonetically. The present account argues that the two sets do not form separate morphemes. They are instead allomorphs of the same morpheme derived by a phonological rule, o-Epenthesis, which suffixes /o/ onto any constituent final pronominal clitic. This virtually exceptionless account provides synchronic evidence for a dual constituent analysis of the verbal complex. The discussion of such well known forms adopts basic assumptions from lexical and auto segmental phonology.


Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dagobert Höllein

Valency theory is a grammatical theory which focuses on the verb or the predicate as its center. Modern valency theory was founded in 1959 by Lucien Tesnière and is based on the idea that verbs structure sentences by binding specific elements (complements, actants) as atoms do. Other, freely addable elements are not determined by the verb; these are called supplements, adjuncts, or circonstants. The basic items of valency theory are valency carriers, complements, and supplements. Take for example sentence (1), “He gives the book to Sandra in the library.” While the NPs He and the book and the PP to Sandra in sentence (1) are valency governed complements, the PP in the library is not governed. It is a supplement. Tesnière compares sentences to a stage play, with actors and requisites. The verb is considered the central valency carrier and the complements depend on the valency carrier. In contrast to other projective theories of grammar, such as generative grammar, the binary division of the sentence into subject and predicate is abolished: the prime element of a sentence is the verb, the subject is governed by the verb, and so are the other objects. In valency theory the number of complements that depend on the verb constitutes its valency. There are monovalent (run), bivalent (build), and trivalent verbs (give). The verb run requires a subject to form a minimal sentence and to communicate a scenario, build requires a subject and direct object for this purpose, give a subject, direct, and indirect object. But it is not necessary that every complement be realized. For instance, sentence (2): “He sold the car (to his neighbor)”. A trivalent verb like to sell can easily be realized with only two complements, as shown in example (2). Complements like the directive complement in (2) (called facultative complements) and supplements differ by the fact that complements are determined in their form (syntactic valency) and their meaning (semantic valency) by the valency carrier, while supplements such as temporal or local adjuncts are not. The ability of a valency carrier to determine formal aspects like case marking of its complement(s) is subsumed under syntactic valency and the ability to determine semantic aspects like its thematic role is called semantic valency/specificity. Acknowledgements: For discussion of the material in this article and notes, the author is grateful to Vilmos Ágel, Klaus Fischer, and the reviewers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Mayuri J. DILIP ◽  
Rajesh KUMAR

This paper investigates the syntactic configuration of pronominal number marking in Santali. Syntactic, morphological and prosodic restrictions show that pronominal number markers have properties of an affix as well as a clitic. A marker is an affix due to the fact that it cannot participate in a binding relation with other arguments. A pronominal number marker also functions as a clitic since it is attached to prosodically the most prominent constituent. The arguments that trigger object agreement do not manifest one particular case, but instead indicate a dissociation between a case and object agreement. On the other hand, the argument with subject agreement manifests nominative case only, indicating an association between nominative case and subject agreement. Both subject and object agreement are sensitive to case that indicates a property of an affix. Keeping in view the distribution of the pronominal number markers, we analyze feature checking of the two parameters, namely agreement and case in Santali.


Author(s):  
Guido Mensching

“Infinitival clauses” are constructions with a clausal status whose predicate is an infinitive. Romance infinitive clauses are mostly dependent clauses and can be divided into the following types: argumental infinitival clauses (such as subject and object clauses, the latter also including indirect interrogatives), predicative infinitival clauses, infinitival adjunct clauses, infinitival relative clauses, and nominalized infinitive clauses (with a determiner). More rarely, they appear as independent (main) clauses (root infinitival clauses) of different types, which usually have a marked character. Whereas infinitival adjunct clauses are generally preceded by prepositions, which can be argued to be outside the infinitival clause proper (i.e., the clause is part of a prepositional phrase), Romance argumental infinitive clauses are often introduced by complementizers that are diachronically derived from prepositions, mostly de/di and a/à. In most Romance languages, the infinitive itself is morphologically marked by an ending containing the morpheme {r} but lacks tense and agreement morphemes. However, some Romance languages have developed an infinitive that can be inflected for subject agreement (which is found in Portuguese, Galician, and Sardinian and also attested in Old Neapolitan). Romance languages share the property of English and other languages to leave the subject of infinitive clauses unexpressed (subject/object control, arbitrary control, and optional control) and also have raising and accusative-and-infinitive constructions. A special property of many Romance languages is the possibility of overtly expressing a nominative subject in infinitival clauses, mostly in postverbal position. The tense of the infinitive clause is usually interpreted as simultaneous or anterior to that of the matrix clause, but some matrix predicates and infinitive constructions trigger a posteriority/future reading. In addition, some Romance infinitive clauses are susceptible to constraints concerning aspect and modality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-98
Author(s):  
MAGDALENA ROSZAK

Parental alienation is a phenomenon that appears after the divorce or break-up in a situation, where there is high conflict between the separating parents accompanying the termination of the relationship. It includes actions intentionally taken by one of the sides, who is seeking to distort the relationship between the child and the other parent. As a result of the alienation, the child starts to excessively prefer the custodial parent and intensively reject the non-custodial parent. The discussion concerning parental alienation was initiated by Richard Gardner, a psychiatrist, who introduced the idea of PAS ‘parental alienation syndrome’. His concept was widely commented by its supporters as well as by sceptics and opponents, as a result of which its modified version, PA ‘parental alienation’, was developed. Published research concerning the subject can be found in English-language scientific articles as early as in 1998. However, in Polish academic literature parental alienation is almost non-existent. The objective of this article is to open a discussion on this subject. Apart from theoretical analysis of the phenomenon, the narratives of parents who believe to experience PA were analysed. The analysis regarded aspects such as: definition, characteristics and sources of parental alienation. The article analyses also actions, which are the alienated parents’ reactions to PA. The performed analysis was of netnographic nature.     


Author(s):  
Elena Vladimirovna Sennitskaya

The object of this research is attention, while the subject is the peculiarities of selective attention to various facts presented in forensic problem. A hypothesis is advanced that there is a dependence between attention to the fact, reflected in the amount of its interpretations in a written solution of the problem by the examinee on the one hand; and number of subsidiary elements specifying its separate sides, task conditions in the task on the other. In other words, if the text is a hierarchical structure illustrating the act of narration from general to specific, the fact that is not just mentioned, but described in details, attracts attention only due to the amount of defining subsidiary elements, regardless of content of the fact itself. Research methodology includes theoretical analysis of literature on the factors affective selectiveness of attention; experiment – a solution of forensic problems by examinees of different gender; surveying with open-ended questions. The novelty consists in identification of the previously unstudied factor influencing the “noticeability” of fact in the text for a reader: its position within the hierarchical system of facts. The conclusion is formulated that the biggest role in attraction of attention to the fact is played not by the overall number of subsidiary element, but rather their number at the closest level of hierarchy.


Author(s):  
IMU Oghoghophia Famous

This paper examines case role in the Urhobo language. Case theory is used as theoretical frame work, the specific objectives is to investigate type of cases and to relate cases roles to argument structures in Urhobo. The study reveals that in the Urhobo language every lexically headed NP must receive case from a case assigner. The Case theory requires that the case assigner govern the NP to which its assigns case. Tense, verb and preposition are case assigners. The infinitive ‘to’ and the passive participles are not case assigners. Case assignment can take place only when the case assigner and the NP to which it assigns case bear a structural relation to one another. It also reveals that irrespective of the theory and its arguments, Urhobo verbs are the basses and centre of its expansion of its constructions. This research also finds out, that the argument structures identified in universal grammar (UG) align with the argument structure of the Urhobo language; the verb assigns arguments to the noun phrases in a sentence. This is traced to the structure of the Urhobo language which is subject-verb-object (SVO). Finally, the study reveals that the function of the nominative case is to mark the subject of the sentence; the vocative is the case of address; the accusative is used to mark the object of a transitive verb; the genitive is the case of possession, ablative case is to mark the instrument with which something is done and the dative case marks the indirect object in the Urhobo language.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-196
Author(s):  
Marco Magnani

Abstract In case-marking languages with nominative-accusative alignment the subject of a sentence is usually marked by nominative case. In some of these languages, however, the subject of a number of verbs is either consistently or alternately marked by another, non-nominative case. Such non-canonical case marking has often been approached in the linguistic literature as a phenomenon at the interface between syntax and semantics. Yet the predictions of this kind of approach seem more probabilistic than regular. This paper offers a new perspective to analyse the phenomenon, which encompasses the role of information structure in case marking. Drawing on Silverstein’s (1976) theory of differential subject marking and Dalrymple & Nikolaeva’s (2011) approach to differential object marking, it is argued that non-canonically case-marked subjects can be better analysed as instances of either non-topical subjects or subjects lacking one or more semantic features typical of topicality. The approach outlined in the paper is tested on a number of constructions in Russian and Lithuanian. It is shown how, in both languages, the analysed instances of non-canonically case-marked subjects exhibit a complex interplay among grammatical, semantic and discourse-pragmatic factors.


Author(s):  
S.R. Allegra

The respective roles of the ribo somes, endoplasmic reticulum, Golgi apparatus and perhaps nucleus in the synthesis and maturation of melanosomes is still the subject of some controversy. While the early melanosomes (premelanosomes) have been frequently demonstrated to originate as Golgi vesicles, it is undeniable that these structures can be formed in cells in which Golgi system is not found. This report was prompted by the findings in an essentially amelanotic human cellular blue nevus (melanocytoma) of two distinct lines of melanocytes one of which was devoid of any trace of Golgi apparatus while the other had normal complement of this organelle.


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