scholarly journals Comparative analysis of the political activity of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in 1990-2015 (based on pilot studies from 2014-2015)

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-278
Author(s):  
Sławomir Łodziński ◽  
Sergiusz Rudnicki
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pilot Studies ◽  
Country Level ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
European Standards ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract The article tries to analyze the participation and political representation of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in the period 1990-2015. Its meaning stems from at least several reasons. Firstly, because the both states officially accepted national minorities after 1990, they have introduced institutional arrangements of protection of their rights and have signed the major international documents in this area. Secondly, because the process of adaptation of European standards of minority protection took place in both countries in the situation of deep democratic changes and market reforms. Hence, the question of the role of minority policy in this has emerged. Thirdly, because the both countries are linked to one another because of a shared common history that sometimes divides societies and public opinion in these states and the political activity of both groups can increase or diminish these socio-political divisions. In the case of the Polish minority in Ukraine this article draws attention to the lack of political representation at country level and its limited activity as the Polish group at the local level (based on the Zhytomyr example). On the other hand in the case of the Ukrainian minority in Poland the article highlights the process of gradual decline of its political activity on the country level (as a result of the spatial dispersion of this group and the absence of a political partner on the country political scene) while we may observe its political activity at the local level.

scholarly journals Role of Pakhtun Women in Politics: A Case Study of Begum Zari Sarfaraz

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 470-476
Author(s):  
Hazrat Bilal ◽  
Shaista Gohar ◽  
Ayaz Ali Shah
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
Cultural Constraints ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Shed Light

An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.

scholarly journals The Writer and the History (On the centenary of the birth of Dobrica Ćosić)

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 30-35
Author(s):  
Sergey Meshcheriakov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political

The article examines the political activity of Dobrica Ćosić, mentions the role of his documentary prose and analyzes the writer’s fiction through the prism of his service to the Serbian nation. The article acknowledges the recognition that Dobrica Ćosić has earned in Russia.

“All Parties Treat Silesians Instrumentally”: On Political Representation at the Regional Level

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Turska-Kawa ◽  
Rafał Glajcar
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Interview Method ◽  
Clear Vision ◽  
Group A ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract The turn of the 20th century experienced an intensification of processes that strengthened Silesian identity, which became an important element of political debate in the region. This was reflected in the emergence of a growing number of entities that placed Silesian issues among their priority objectives and defined themselves as representatives of the interests of Silesia and Silesians. The aim of the study was to verify the political representative potential of groups in Upper Silesia. We accepted the hypothesis that the stronger the identity of a particular group (regional or national) the greater the probability that entities placing fundamental objectives strictly within the scope of regional issues should enjoy broad support in the region, and such entities consequently should be perceived as political representatives of the group. A study conducted using the categorized interview method (N=54) proves quite clearly that Silesians are unable to identify entities on the regional political scene that could represent them sufficiently. The determinants of this state of affairs are found not only in the negative actions of political entities but also in the absence of a clear vision of representation, which could constitute a basis for the formulated expectations of Silesians.

‘To activists: Please post and share your story’: Renewing understandings on civic participation and the role of Facebook in the Indignados movement

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 583-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venetia Papa
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civic Participation ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
International Financial Crisis ◽  
Online Social Media

The global upsurge in protest, which has accompanied the current international financial crisis, has highlighted the extensive use of online social media in activism, leaving aside the extent to which citizenship is enacted, empowered and potentially transformed by social media use within these movements. Drawing on citizenship and communication theories, this study employs a cross-country analysis of the relationship between citizenship, civic practices and social media within the Indignados movement in Greece and France. By the use of semi-structured interviews, we attempt to discern the degree of involvement of actors with the political community in question and explore the complex layers of their motivations and goals around participation. Content analysis employed in the movement’s Facebook groups allows us to critically evaluate the potential of social media in (re)defining the meaning and practice of civic participation. Findings indicate that the failure of traditional forms of civic participation to attain and resolve everyday political issues becomes its potential to transfer the political activity in other sites of struggle. The role of Facebook is double: it can reinforce civic talk and debate through activists’ digital story telling (around shared feelings and personal stories) significant for meaningful activist participation online and offline. Second, it can support new forms of alternative politics inspired by more participatory modes of engagement.

Parliamentary Life in the Crown of Aragon: Cortes, Juntas De Brazos, and Other Corporate Bodies

2002 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-395
Author(s):  
Xavier Gil
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Crown Of Aragon ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Political Scene

AbstractThe Cortes of Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia were well known in Renaissance times for their mature institutional development and their capacity to counterbalance the tendency of monarchs towards authoritarianism. But, from the mid sixteenth century onwards, they were summoned by kings at increasingly long intervals, thus losing part of their visibility in the political scene. But this did not exactly mean parliamentary decline. As Cortes became rarer, lesser corporate bodies, ultimately deriving from the Cortes themselves, acquired an enhanced political status. Different sorts of meetings of estates (brazos) and small committees of members of the estates, while already known in previous times, won a more active role by the late sixteenth century and were a major, if not crucial, factor in the different political crises of the seventeenth century. This article contributes to the current reassessment of the Cortes by emphasizing the role of these bodies, focusing on their interplay with the Cortes, with some comparative remarks on other such bodies in Europe.

scholarly journals THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES TO INFORMATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
The Public ◽  
Social Trends ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Guardian

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.

scholarly journals MARIE GIGAULT DE BELLEFONDS, AMBASSADRESS OF FRANCE. GENDER, POWER AND DIPLOMACY AT THE COURT OF CHARLES II OF SPAIN, 1679-1681

2020 ◽  
pp. 7-30
Author(s):  
Ezequiel Borgognoni
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Collaborative Work ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Field Of Study ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
System A ◽  
Gender Power ◽  
Charles Ii

In this article, I will analyse the political activity of marquise Marie Gigault de Bellefonds, ambassadress of France at the Madrid court between 1679 and 1681, by reflecting on the different diplomatic strategies implemented by her and her husband in order to gain the favour of the monarchs, particularly of the queen consort Marie-Louise of Orleans. The study of Louis XIV of France’s instructions to his ambassador and the perusal of the letters that the ambassadress sent to her friends in Paris evidence the importance of collaborative work in the marriages among diplomats in seventeenth-century court society. Moreover, our sources allow us to make visible the role of the wives of ambassadors in the pre-modern diplomatic system –a field of study in its beginning stages, but also highly promising. Who was Marie Gigault de Bellefonds? Why was she considered a dangerous individual or, as stated by Saint-Simon, «evil as a snake» at the court? Who were her main adversaries in Madrid? What was she accused of? Why did she and her husband have to leave the embassy in 1681? This research will attempt to answer these and other questions related to the presence of the French ambassadress at the court of Charles II and Marie-Louise of Orleans.

scholarly journals ETHNIC NPOs AS AN ORGANIZATIONAL FORM OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF MINORITIES IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-334
Author(s):  
N.V. Borisova ◽  
E.Yu. Minaeva ◽  
P.V. Panov ◽  
K.A. Sulimov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Ethnic Parties ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Institutional Infrastructure ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
Ethnic Policy

Ethnic parties are conventionally considered as the main form of politicization of ethnicity, but in those countries where they are absent, the social and political activity of ethnic minorities is manifested in the form of non-governmental organizations - “ethnic NPOs”. In contemporary Russia, both the main areas of activity of ethnic NPOs and the normative and institutional infrastructure of their interaction with the authorities are strongly unified by the framework of the state ethnic policy. However, an in-depth study of several cases (the sample from municipal units of Ulyanovsk and Penza regions) allows us to conclude that the most important interactions on issues, which are significant for both NPOs and the authorities, are most often carried out outside the framework of the normative and institutional infrastructure, through other channels. As a result, actual interactions vary considerably. An important factor is the resource potential of the ethnic NPO, the share of an ethnic minority in the population, as well as the presence of a strong leader. In some cases, the format of localization of an ethnic group is of key importance: if a minority lives apart from others, the resource weakness of an NPO is compensated by the concentration of resources, and sometimes by the practice of combining statuses, when the leader of an ethnic NPO occupies an important political and administrative position at the local level. In other cases, human resources come to the fore. In general, it can be argued that ethnic NPOs to some extent compensate for the absence of ethnic parties. They do not demonstrate their own political ambitions, but they are able to promote the interests of ethnic minorities using the available channels and mechanisms of political representation.

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