scholarly journals A török déli nyitás politikája – soft power eszközök Afrikában

Author(s):  
Tamás Dudlák

This article discusses the relations of Turkey with Sub-Saharan Africa from political, economic and cultural points of view. The focus is laid on the performance of Turkish institutions on African ground, assessing not only governmental, but also humanitarian and civil initiatives. The nongovernmental factors are especially important with regard to Turkish African policy: the so-called Anatolian tigers and their associations both within the Justice and Development Party (from 2002onwards) and outside the scope of traditional state diplomacy exerted their influence on the political activity of Turkey in general and in “newly discovered” territories such as Africa, in particular. This new, globalized middle class formed the most important social and economic motivations behind the Turkish opening to Africa creating space for public diplomacy and thus contributing to the democratization of Turkish foreign policy.With regard to Africa, Turkey is the most active donor of the world proportionately to its economic performance. Several Turkish organizations (TİKA, İHH, Diyanet Vakfı, TUSKON, MÜSİAD, Kızılay, Hizmet) work in the fields of humanitarian assistance and development aid. They try to make benefit from cultural and religious proximity thus relying on direct connections with the locals and convey services of Western standard without Western attitude.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.


Author(s):  
Anthony Hall

Under President Lula (2003–2010), Brazil’s foreign aid program expanded significantly into the area of South-South cooperation. This included the “soft power” fields of social protection, food security, agricultural research, and humanitarian assistance, among others, with a particular emphasis on supporting Sub-Saharan Africa, notably but not exclusively Portuguese-speaking countries. Much of this aid was provided with the support of technical assistance from UN agencies such as UNDP and FAO and bilateral aid bodies, via trilateral agreements, under the coordination of Brazil’s International Cooperation Agency (ABC). South-South collaboration is considered to be morally superior to conventional aid arrangements, being supposedly demand-driven and “non-exploitative,” thus empowering recipients in the process. Brazilian policymakers sought to transfer national anti-poverty initiatives to Africa. This was based initially on the Bolsa Família conditional cash transfer (CCT) program, but other nutritional food security initiatives followed, such as boosting small farmer production as well as supporting agribusiness.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 400-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas

Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making.


2020 ◽  
pp. 014459871990065 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice A Asongu ◽  
Nicholas M Odhiambo

This study assesses whether improving governance standards affects environmental quality in 44 countries in sub-Saharan Africa for the period 2000–2012. The empirical evidence is based on generalized method of moments. Bundled and unbundled governance dynamics are used, notably: (i) political governance (consisting of political stability and “voice and accountability”); (ii) economic governance (entailing government effectiveness and regulation quality), (iii) institutional governance (represented by the rule of law and corruption-control); and (iv) general governance (encompassing political, economic, and institutional governance dynamics). The following hypotheses are tested: (i) Hypothesis 1 ( improving political governance is negatively related to carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions); (ii) Hypothesis 2 ( increasing economic governance is negatively related to CO2 emissions); and (iii) Hypothesis 3 ( enhancing institutional governance is negatively related to CO2 emissions). Results of the tested hypotheses show that the validity of Hypothesis 3 cannot be determined based on the results; Hypothesis 2 is not valid, while Hypothesis 1 is partially not valid. The main policy implication is that governance standards need to be further improved in order for government quality to generate the expected unfavorable effects on CO2 emissions.


Politeia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rod Alence

International organisations have long sought to promote peace and development in sub-Saharan Africa. Much research has focused on their policies and activities, but little is known about how people living in Africa view them. How aware are people in Africa of international organisations, and how helpful do they believe them to be? This article analyses public perceptions using data from Afrobarometer Round 4 surveys conducted in 20 countries. Awareness of international organisations is widespread, especially in countries that have experienced peacekeeping missions and among individuals who have completed primary school. Evaluations are favourable on balance, more so for the United Nations and other “global” organisations than for the African Union and its sub-regional bodies. Though most Africans see development aid as helpful, large and highly visible aid inflows are associated with concerns about the influence that donors and NGOs wield over recipient governments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 194
Author(s):  
Bountagkidis ◽  
Fragkos ◽  
Frangos

The authors wish to make the following change to their paper (Bountagkidis et al. 2015)[...]


2016 ◽  
Vol 371 (1709) ◽  
pp. 20150467 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Charles J. Godfray ◽  
Daniel Mason-D'Croz ◽  
Sherman Robinson

Fungal diseases are major threats to the most important crops upon which humanity depends. Were there to be a major epidemic that severely reduced yields, its effects would spread throughout the globalized food system. To explore these ramifications, we use a partial equilibrium economic model of the global food system (IMPACT) to study a hypothetical severe but short-lived epidemic that reduces rice yields in the countries affected by 80%. We modelled a succession of epidemic scenarios of increasing severity, starting with the disease in a single country in southeast Asia and ending with the pathogen present in most of eastern Asia. The epidemic and subsequent crop losses led to substantially increased global rice prices. However, as long as global commodity trade was unrestricted and able to respond fast enough, the effects on individual calorie consumption were, to a large part, mitigated. Some of the worse effects were projected to be experienced by poor net-rice importing countries in sub-Saharan Africa, which were not affected directly by the disease but suffered because of higher rice prices. We critique the assumptions of our models and explore political economic pressures to restrict trade at times of crisis. We finish by arguing for the importance of ‘stress-testing’ the resilience of the global food system to crop disease and other shocks. This article is part of the themed issue ‘Tackling emerging fungal threats to animal health, food security and ecosystem resilience’.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. e0009131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Ochola ◽  
Diana M. S. Karanja ◽  
Susan J. Elliott

Neglected Tropical Diseases (NTDs) remain endemic to many regions of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) left behind by socioeconomic progress. As such, these diseases are markers of extreme poverty and inequity that are propagated by the political, economic, social, and cultural systems that affect health and wellbeing. As countries embrace and work towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the needs of such vulnerable populations need to be addressed in local and global arenas. The research uses primary qualitative data collected from five NTD endemic counties of Kenya: interviews key informants (n = 21) involved in NTD implementation programs and focus groups (n = 5) of affected individuals. Informed by theories of political ecology of health, the research focuses on post-devolution Kenya and identifies the political, economic, social, and cultural factors that propagate NTDs and their effects on health and wellbeing. Our findings indicate that structural factors such as competing political interests, health worker strikes, inadequate budgetary allocations, economic opportunity, marginalization, illiteracy, entrenched cultural norms and practices, poor access to water, sanitation and housing, all serve to propagate NTD transmission and subsequently affect the health and wellbeing of populations. As such, we recommend that post-devolution Kenya ensures local political, economic and socio-cultural structures are equitable, sensitive and responsive to the needs of all people. We also propose poverty alleviation through capacity building and empowerment as a means of tackling NTDs for sustained economic opportunity and productivity at the local and national level.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document