scholarly journals European Union’s Crisis Response Potential and Military-Technical Cooperation of the EU member-states

2020 ◽  
pp. 142-154
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Military Training ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Crisis Response ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the origins and current trends in the development of the crisis response structures and mechanisms within the European Union. The reasons for the failures of the EU in the implementation of the plans of previous decades to create EU Armed Forces separate from NATO are being considered. Thirty-four military, police, border and consultative operations and EU missions in conflict regions are being typologized in the article. It is concluded that the most in-demand operations were EU police and numerous "training" or "consultative" missions aimed at creating modern and professional state security forces in unstable regions. Although formally the European Union is only a subregional international organization, in practice the EU does not consider it necessary to legitimize its own interventions into conflicts through UN mechanisms. Operations and missions are conducted on the basis of the European Council's own policy decisions. However, the EU does not conduct openly coercive military-political missions on its own, leaving decisions on them to the UN Security Council. The article analyzes the structure, types, purposes of several dozen programs of military-technical and military-political cooperation implemented by the European Union within the framework of the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation Program (PESCO). The author structurally subdivides PESCO programs into groups: structures and means of joint crisis response, military-infrastructure programs, naval initiatives, programs in information and communication and cyber-spheres, logistics and military-medical programs, military-training programs. The content of each group's programs is reviewed in detail. The article substantiates the conclusion that the implementation of the currently announced PESCO programs will strengthen mostly the EU's marginal (background) capabilities in operations and missions under the Common Security and Defense Policy. PESCO does not actually include programs directly aimed at any drastic improvement of capability for missions and operations in crisis and conflict regions outside the EU.

scholarly journals Intra-EU vs. extra-EU trade in ICT services

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Stefaniak ◽  
Adam A. Ambroziak
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Information And Communication Technology ◽  
Communication Technology ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Business Operations ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The position of information and communication technology (ICT) services is growing in the European Union (EU) trade, however to different extend in different EU countries. The article aims to identify trade positions of the EU Member States in intra-EU trade and extra-EU trade in ICT services and to assess changes that have taken place in the years 2013–2018. The importance of the EU Member States in trade in ICT services is assessed, followed by the analysis of their trade positions in terms of selected indices. We discovered that countries of the highest importance for the intra-EU and extra-EU trade in ICT services are not holding the best positions in trade in this area, except for Ireland. Additionally, leaders in ICT services trade do better in extra-EU trade rankings than in the EU Internal Market, since the distance does not matter to business operations consequent to the digitalization of economic activities.

scholarly journals Trends of military-political development in Europe and of military-technical cooperation between the EU member states

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-74
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikitin
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
Crisis Response ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
Training Activities ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes in the time frame of the coming decade (2020–2030) the main trends in the development of the military and political situation in Europe. New nuclear risks arising from the weakening of the WMD non-proliferation regime, the dismantling of the INF Treaty and the prospects for the deployment of new generations of medium- and short-range missiles in Europe are being considered. The EU's successes and failures over the past three decades in establishing a system of EU operations and missions in conflict regions have been systematized. The structure, types, purpose of the 47 projects of military-technical and military-political cooperation implemented by the European Union within the framework of the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) are analyzed. Groups of projects aimed at strengthening cooperation in the crisis response, at the development and production of weapons, at mastering information- and cyber-communications, logistics and medical cooperation, and at training activities are identified. The strengthening of Europe's geostrategic autonomy from the United States is noted, as well as the military-technical rather than military-operational emphasis within the PESCO programs, the absence of projects aimed directly at conducting collective offensive operations. Conclusions are drawn regarding the dangers of involving the CSTO indirect confrontation with NATO and the EU, the need to establish cooperation along the CSTO-EU line in confronting new common risks and challenges that are endangering both the east and west of Europe. There has been a transformation of many programs of military-technical and military-operational cooperation/integration of EU countries into the basis for new directions of the arms race in Europe.

Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Security ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Eu

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.

The Southern Gas Corridor infrastructure project – implications for the energy security of the European Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-99
Author(s):  
Justyna Misiągiewicz
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Energy System ◽  
Caspian Region ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Energy Field ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Infrastructure Project ◽  
The Eu

Nowadays, energy security is a growing concern in state foreignpolicy. Interdependency in the energy field is a very important dimensionof contemporary relations between states and transnational corporations.Energy security is becoming a key issue for the European Union (EU). TheUnion is one of the world’s fastest-growing energy markets and the biggestimporter of energy resources. For the foreseeable future, Europe’s energydependence will probably increase. Facing a shortage of energy, Europe isdependent on imports and the EU member states need to diversify their energysupplies. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undevelopedoil and gas reserves in the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, thenewly independent Caspian states became open to foreign investment. Thegrowing energy needs have given the EU a strong interest in developing tieswith energy-producing states in the Caspian region to build the necessarypipeline infrastructure. In this analysis, the pipeline infrastructure that exists orwill be built in the near future will be presented. The analysis will concentrateon routes transporting gas from the Caspian region and the most importantproblems and solutions in designing the midstream energy system in the region.The key aim of the article is to analyse the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC)infrastructure project, which will inevitably contribute to the EU’s energy securityinterest.

Front-of-pack nutrition labelling in the European Union: a behavioural, legal and political analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Vincent DELHOMME
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Dietary Habits ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Present Contribution ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Nutrition Labelling ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Legislative Proposal ◽  
The Eu

Amidst a growing interest from European Union (EU) Member States, the European Commission recently announced that it would put forward a legislative proposal for the adoption of a harmonised and mandatory front-of-pack nutrition labelling scheme at the EU level. The present contribution discusses the implications of such an adoption, taking a behavioural, legal and policy angle. It introduces first the concept of front-of-pack nutrition labelling and the existing evidence regarding its effects on consumer behaviour and dietary habits. It then presents the legal framework currently applicable to (front-of-pack) nutrition labelling in the EU and discusses some of the main political and practical aspects involved with the development of a common EU front-of-pack label.

scholarly journals Crisis and Intergovernmental Retrenchment in the European Union? Framing the EU’s Answer to the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenio Salvati
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Core State ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has placed severe pressure on the EU’s capacity to provide a timely and coordinated response capable of curbing the pandemic’s disastrous economic and social effects on EU member states. In this situation, the supranational institutions and their models of action are evidently under pressure, seeming incapable of leading the EU out of the stormy waters of the present crisis. The article frames the first months of management of the COVID-19 crisis at EU level as characterised by the limited increase in the level of steering capacity by supranational institutions, due to the reaffirmed centrality of the intergovernmental option. To explain this situation, the article considers the absence of the institutional capacity/legitimacy to extract resources from society(ies), and the subsequent impossibility of guaranteeing an effective and autonomous process of political (re)distribution, the key factors accounting for the weakness of vertical political integration in the response to the COVID-19 challenge. This explains why during the COVID-19 crisis as well, the pattern followed by the EU is rather similar to past patterns, thus confirming that this has fed retrenchment aimed at the enforcement of the intergovernmental model and the defence of the most sensitive core state powers against inference from supranational EU institutions.

The Determinants of Vietnam’s Information and Communication Technologies Exports to the European Union

2022 ◽  
pp. 001573252110579
Author(s):  
Phan Thanh Hoan ◽  
Duong Thi Dieu My
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Gravity Model ◽  
Patent Application ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Eu

Vietnam is one of the top information and communication technologies (ICT) exporters globally, and the ICT products constitute nearly one-fifth of Vietnam’s total exports to the European Union (EU). This study empirically investigates the determinants of Vietnam’s ICT exports to the EU by applying the gravity model for trade with panel data from 2000 to 2019. Besides the traditional variables of the gravity model, we added gross capital formation, patent application and exchange rates as explanatory variables. The results show that among factors affecting Vietnam’s ICT export to the EU, market size, patent applications, and exchange rate are the most significant determinants. The article also suggests some policy implications for the development of ICT exports between the two parties. JEL Codes: F14, C2

Practice of the member states of the European Union in the field of anti-corruption regulation

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmytro S. Melnyk ◽  
Oleg A. Parfylo ◽  
Oleksii V. Butenko ◽  
Olena V. Tykhonova ◽  
Volodymyr O. Zarosylo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Member States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Legal Method ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
The Eu

Purpose The experience of most European Union (EU) Member States has demonstrated effective anti-corruption practices, making the EU one of the leaders in this field, which can be used as an example to learn from in the field of anti-corruption. The purpose of this study is to analyze and identify the main features of anti-corruption legislation and strategies to prevent corruption at the national and supranational levels of the EU. Design/methodology/approach The following methods were used in the work: discourse and content analysis, method of system analysis, method of induction and deduction, historical-legal method, formal-legal method, comparative-legal method and others. Using the historical and legal method, the evolution of the formation of anti-corruption regulation at the supranational level was revealed. The comparative law method helped to compare the practices of the Member States of the EU in the field of anti-corruption regulation. The formal-legal method is used for generalization, classification and systematization of research results, as well as for the correct presentation of these results. Findings The main results, prospects for further research and the value of the material. The paper offers a critical review of key EU legal instruments on corruption, from the first initiatives taken in the mid-1990s to recent years. Originality/value In addition, the article analyzes the relevant anti-corruption legislation in the EU member states that are in the top 10 countries with the lowest level of corruption, namely: Denmark, Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany and Luxembourg.

Staatsklimahaftung

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabell Böhm
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
European Union ◽  
Greenhouse Gas ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
State Liability ◽  
Liability Claims ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Made In

Climate change litigation is becoming increasingly important. This thesis deals with the question whether state liability claims against Germany or the EU can be justified, if commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions are not met. For this purpose, the claim under public liability according to § 839 German Civil Code in connection with Art. 34 German Basic Law, the liability of the EU-Member States and the liability of the European Union according to Art. 340 II TFEU are discussed. At the end of the thesis, considerations on the practical perspectives of state liability are made in order to improve their prospects of success.

Turkey and Europe: The Role of Migration

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-399
Author(s):  
Pieter Emmer
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Full Member ◽  
Turkish Immigrants ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Eu

In spite of the fact that negotiations have been going on for years, the chances that Turkey will eventually become a full member of the European Union are slim. At present, a political majority among the EU-member states headed by Germany seems to oppose Turkey entering the EU. In the Netherlands, however, most political parties are still in favour of Turkey's membership. That difference coincides with the difference in the position of Turkish immigrants in German and Dutch societies.

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