scholarly journals LIMITS OF TURKEY’S CAPABILITIES AS A TRANSIT GAS CORRIDOR

2020 ◽  
pp. 83-92
Author(s):  
Diana Ayvazyan ◽  

The paper examines the role of the Republic of Turkey as a transit corridor for the natural gas supply to the European Union. Turkey's interests in increasing its transit potential based on its favorable geographic location near gas producers and consumers are studied. The results achieved in this direction of the energy policy of the Republic of Turkey are brought out. The limitations for the increase of the volume of gas transit through the territory of Turkey are examined. The documents of the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of Turkey, the ongoing projects on the transit of pipeline gas through the Turkish territory are analyzed. It is shown that Turkey's interest in the expansion of the geography of gas imports and transit coincides with the interests of the European Union as a gas consumer as well as with the interest of gas suppliers in full (in the case of Azerbaijan) or partially (in the case of Russia) to transit gas through Turkey. Turkey's role as a transit gas corridor is limited by small volumes of gas in comparison with the other directions of supply and an increase in the share of LNG in the European gas market.

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Bojkov

The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished.


Author(s):  
Markus Patberg

This chapter presents an institutional proposal for how citizens could be enabled—in the dual role of European and national citizens—to exercise constituent power in the EU. To explain in abstract terms what an institutional solution would have to involve, it draws on the notion of a sluice system, according to which the particular value of representative bodies consists in their capacity to provide both transmission and filter functions for democratic processes. On this basis, the chapter critically discusses the proposal that the Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) should transform itself into an inter-parliamentary constitutional assembly. As this model allows constituted powers to continue to operate as the EU’s de facto constituent powers, it cannot be expected to deliver the functions of a sluice system. The chapter goes on to argue that a more convincing solution would be to turn the Convention of Article 48 of the Treaty on European Union into a permanent constitutional assembly composed of two chambers, one elected by EU citizens and the other by member state citizens. The chapter outlines the desirable features of such an assembly and defends the model against a number of possible objections.


Author(s):  
Reinhard Bork ◽  
Renato Mangano

This chapter is an introduction to the issues involved in cross-border insolvency cases and their regulation as covered by the EIR, which recast the OR. It also provides a view-from-the-cathedral of EU Regulation 2015/848; a concise description of its history, aims, and principles; as well as a list of the other relevant sources of law, including those of soft law such as the UNCITRAL Model Law and the European Communication and Cooperation Guidelines for Cross-border Insolvency (the so-called ‘CoCo Guidelines’). Finally, the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) for the interpretation of European insolvency law and its judicial activism are analysed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Bernadette Rainey ◽  
Pamela McCormick ◽  
Clare Ovey

This chapter examines the history and institutions associated with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). It discusses the political context in which the European Convention was drafted and both the political developments and philosophies which shaped its content. It also examines the system of protection provided by the different organs of the Council of Europe; the relationship between those organs and other international courts and tribunals, including the European Union; and the role of the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe, the Commissioner for Human Rights, and the other human rights instruments of the Council of Europe in the enforcement of the human rights provisions.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 217-231
Author(s):  
Timothy Pratt

While the Community Treaties provided the institutional framework for the European Community, much of what now makes up the constitution of the European Union was not provided for in those Treaties, but evolved within that framework. This is certainly true of the role of national parliaments. There is nothing about the role of national parliaments in any of the Treaties concluded prior to the Maastricht Treaty, and even then the references appear not in the body of the Treaty, but only in two Declarations annexed to it, one on the role of national parliaments in the European Union and the other on the Conference of the Parliaments. While the former states that it is important to encourage greater involvement of national parliaments in the activities of the European Union, it gives no indication of what that involvement should be. The Treaty of Amsterdam goes a step further. It includes a protocol on the role of national parliaments. This is important in that, for the first time, it gives substantive treaty recognition to their involvement in European Union activities. But, while it is markedly more supportive than the Maastricht Declarations, it does not confer any specific powers on national parliaments, nor does it attempt to define their functions.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 217-231
Author(s):  
Timothy Pratt

While the Community Treaties provided the institutional framework for the European Community, much of what now makes up the constitution of the European Union was not provided for in those Treaties, but evolved within that framework. This is certainly true of the role of national parliaments. There is nothing about the role of national parliaments in any of the Treaties concluded prior to the Maastricht Treaty, and even then the references appear not in the body of the Treaty, but only in two Declarations annexed to it, one on the role of national parliaments in the European Union and the other on the Conference of the Parliaments. While the former states that it is important to encourage greater involvement of national parliaments in the activities of the European Union, it gives no indication of what that involvement should be. The Treaty of Amsterdam goes a step further. It includes a protocol on the role of national parliaments. This is important in that, for the first time, it gives substantive treaty recognition to their involvement in European Union activities. But, while it is markedly more supportive than the Maastricht Declarations, it does not confer any specific powers on national parliaments, nor does it attempt to define their functions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 532-556
Author(s):  
Suryapratim Roy

There has been an increasing interest in making legal decision-making and scholarship scientific or inter-disciplinary, without there being any interrogation of how or why this should be done. This has resulted in polarised views of the importance of science on one hand, and the primacy of democracy on the other. Such polarisation is not helpful primarily because both ‘science’ and ‘democracy’ remain unintelligible to those who do not have access to the particular epistemology that supports their usage. In this article, I seek to reconceptualise the conflict between democracy and science as the association of legal decision-makers and scholars with expert inquiry. I further conceptualise such association as a process that involves normative reductionism of testimonial exchange. Despite a claim to ‘a culture of justification’ in legal systems such as the European Union, the process of normative reductionism is essentially arbitrary. I seek to articulate a framework where this process may be approached in a disciplined manner, concentrating on the role of mediation and moderation of expert knowledge.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Özgür H. Çınar

Abstract The question of religious education has been debated in Turkey since the founding of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. However, with Turkey’s commencement of the accession process towards becoming a full member of the European Union, this debate has intensified and after the judgment in the Hasan and Eylem Zengin case at the European Court of Human Rights in 2007, obligations arising from international law have become more impellent.


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