scholarly journals UK Internal Market Bill

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 99-105
Author(s):  
Elena Ananieva ◽  

The Internal Market Bill of the UK government is meant to secure flawless motion of goods and services between all parts of Britain in the wake of Brexit, to prevent competition and trade barriers between the regions, including Northern Ireland. The bill caused the threat of Tory backbenchers rebellion and harsh criticism by 5 former UK PM of both leading parties for breaching the EU Withdrawal Agreement and downgrading the UK image in the world as a global power adhering to international law. The devolved regions consider the bill to be a «power grab» by London of their devolved competences after control over laws is repatriated from Brussels to the UK. They insist on the UK government following the Sewel convention and common legal frameworks as a means to introduce legislation in the UK. The foreign policy implications are also complicated Brussels threatened to take London to court for infringement matters and the US Congress as well as the Democratic Party nominee for US president J. Biden warned that the Good Friday Agreement should not become a casualty of Brexit thus putting into question the bilateral FTA. Deal or no deal the UK will encounter further domestic and foreign policy problems.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 161-177
Author(s):  
Hew Strachan

Since 2010, the UK government has conducted a strategic review at five-yearly intervals, a pattern which it has maintained, at least formally, despite the strategically destabilising effects of Brexit and the Trump administration. Accordingly, on 26 February 2020 the Prime Minister announced the next iteration, albeit one which would he maintained go �beyond the parameters of a traditional review�. COVID-19 understandably delayed the publication of the Integrated Review until March 2021. This article examines the results, using the prism of strategy to examine the review�s coherence. Global Britain in a Competitive Age is as aspirational as its original ambition suggested it should be, but is light on specific policies and their delivery. The accompanying publications from the Ministry of Defence contain more substance, but their implications are not sufficiently aligned with either foreign policy or the possible eventuality of armed conflict, nor do they allow for capabilities commensurate with the scale of the task which �Global Britain� anticipates.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 957-969 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP H. J. DAVIES

AbstractThis article examines the status, role and development of imagery intelligence in the UK government. It is argued that imagery intelligence occupies a subordinate and marginalised position compared to other forms of intelligence, chiefly from human sources and the interception of communications. The origins of that position are recounted, and the problems arising from internal struggles over control of imagery examined. It is concluded that the existing approach to imagery represents a serious problem and that a substantial restructuring and upgrading of imagery intelligence is essential if UK foreign policy decision-making is to be properly informed in the 21st Century.


Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard

The chapter considers Brexit and the EU internal market. Barnard emphasizes the role that the UK played in creating the EU internal market and examines the view that its four freedoms—free movement of goods, services, capital, and people—are indivisible. The decision of the UK to leave the EU has paradoxically contributed to entrench the view that the four freedoms are indivisible. This reduces the possibility for the UK to maintain access to the EU single market after Brexit—a fact acknowledged even by the UK government. However, the EEA model might be the best solution for the UK post-Brexit, reflecting UK citizens’ demands, and also in the interest of the EU. Nevertheless, the withdrawal of the UK may strengthen protectionist trends within the EU. Moreover, Barnard emphasizes that Brexit poses challenges for the UK internal market, which the Great Repeal Bill will need to address.


2020 ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Elena Ananieva ◽  

At the end of November the UK-EU talks were still in progress and in the absence of a deal the perspectives of short-term relations were labelled “provisional application” of interim agreements. The analysis of public opinion in times of COVID-19 pandemic reveals less attention to Brexit and a leaning to its soft alternative while believing exiting the EU to be wrong. The Johnson Cabinet was ready for no deal, having introduced the Internal Market Bill in breach of the UK-EU Agreement, but did not take measures for border control. This study shows that the reasons of the UK uncompromising attitude were dictated by economic as well as political and psychological factors. As to foreign policy the UK intends to underpin “Global Britain” with an expensive modernization of defence forces at the expense of international aid. The conclusion is that the UK is to remain the US major ally notwithstanding differences with the incoming administration.


2020 ◽  
pp. bmjmilitary-2020-001455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Blair Thomas Herron ◽  
K M Heil ◽  
D Reid

In 2015, the UK government published the National Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) 2015, which laid out their vision for the future roles and structure of the UK Armed Forces. SDSR 2015 envisaged making broader use of the Armed Forces to support missions other than warfighting. One element of this would be to increase the scale and scope of defence engagement (DE) activities that the UK conducts overseas. DE activities traditionally involve the use of personnel and assets to help prevent conflict, build stability and gain influence with partner nations as part of a short-term training teams. This paper aimed to give an overview of the Specialist Infantry Group and its role in UK DE. It will explore the reasons why the SDSR 2015 recommended their formation as well as an insight into future tasks.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095792652110131
Author(s):  
Michael Billig

This paper examines how the British government has used statistics about COVID-19 for political ends. A distinction is made between precise and round numbers. Historically, using round numbers to estimate the spread of disease gave way in the 19th century to the sort precise, but not necessarily accurate, statistics that are now being used to record COVID-19. However, round numbers have continued to exert rhetorical, ‘semi-magical’ power by simultaneously conveying both quantity and quality. This is demonstrated in examples from the British government’s claims about COVID-19. The paper illustrates how senior members of the UK government use ‘good’ round numbers to frame their COVID-19 goals and to announce apparent achievements. These round numbers can provide political incentives to manipulate the production of precise number; again examples from the UK government are given.


2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 409-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermione C. Price ◽  
Philip M. Clarke ◽  
Alastair M. Gray ◽  
Rury R. Holman

Background. Insurance companies often offer people with diabetes ‘‘enhanced impaired life annuity’’ at preferential rates, in view of their reduced life expectancy. Objective. To assess the appropriateness of ‘‘enhanced impaired life annuity’’ rates for individuals with type 2 diabetes. Patients. There were 4026 subjects with established type 2 diabetes (but not known cardiovascular or other life-threatening diseases) enrolled into the UK Lipids in Diabetes Study. Measurements. Estimated individual life expectancy using the United Kingdom Prospective Diabetes Study (UKPDS) Outcomes Model. Results. Subjects were a mean (SD) age of 60.7 (8.6) years, had a blood pressure of 141/83 (17/10) mm Hg, total cholesterol level of 4.5 (0.75) mmol/L, HDL cholesterol level of 1.2 (0.29) mmol/L, with median (interquartile range [IQR]) known diabetes duration of 6 (3—11) years, and HbA1c of 8.0% (7.2—9.0). Sixty-five percent were male, 91% white, 4% Afro-Caribbean, 5% Indian-Asian, and 15% current smokers. The UKPDS Outcomes Model median (IQR) estimated age at death was 76.6 (73.8—79.5) years compared with 81.6 (79.4—83.2) years, estimated using the UK Government Actuary’s Department data for a general population of the same age and gender structure. The median (IQR) difference was 4.3 (2.8—6.1) years, a remaining life expectancy reduction of almost one quarter. The highest value annuity identified, which commences payments immediately for a 60-year-old man with insulin-treated type 2 diabetes investing 100,000, did not reflect this difference, offering 7.4K per year compared with 7.0K per year if not diabetic. Conclusions. The UK Government Actuary’s Department data overestimate likely age at death in individuals with type 2 diabetes, and at present, ‘‘enhanced impaired life annuity’’ rates do not provide equity for people with type 2 diabetes. Using a diabetes-specific model to estimate life expectancy could provide valuable information to the annuity industry and permit more equitable annuity rates for those with type 2 diabetes.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Prior

Civil renewal is an emerging policy priority for the UK government, aiming to build stronger, more cohesive communities and to encourage individual citizens to be active members of such communities. The promotion of social capital and trust relationships is central to this approach. Strategies to improve community safety and reduce crime and disorder are closely related to the drive for civil renewal, with the two sets of policies seen as mutually supportive. This article shows, however, that many community safety initiatives are founded on relationships of suspicion between citizens. This generates a dynamic of exclusion that is likely to undermine attempts at civil renewal.


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