Myanmar in 2009: A New Political Era?

Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald M. Seekins
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Central Command ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
House Arrest ◽  
Border Areas

The appearance of an unwanted visitor in Aung San Suu Kyi's lakeside compound in Yangon gave the SPDC military regime a pretext to extend her house arrest, while the refusal of major armed groups in the border areas to accept subordination under the Tatmadaw (armed forces) central command posed serious problems for Myanmar's future stability.

Demobilisation will be a long-term challenge in Libya

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Near Term ◽  
The Many ◽  
Financial Arrangements

Significance Although a ceasefire has been in place since October 2020, very little has been done during that time to integrate or demobilise the many armed forces and groups that exist across the country. The obstacles are formidable. Impacts Significant demobilisation and reintegration will not happen in the near term. Local security will continue to rest on fragile political and financial arrangements between armed groups and governing authorities. The current high levels of oil and gas revenue will tend to discourage unrest.

Colombian border violence will Venezuela worsen crisis

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Organised Crime ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
Organised Crime Groups

Significance The closure of border crossings since March 2020 has fuelled violent competition for control of lucrative informal crossings (trochas) and frontier towns. However, the Venezuelan military is ill-prepared to deal with the expanding presence of Colombia’s irregular armed groups. Recent incursions highlight weaknesses in the Venezuelan armed forces, which have suffered casualties. Impacts The penetration of organised crime groups into Venezuela’s disintegrating state and economy will continue to intensify. Organised criminal violence coupled with the violence of military operations will fuel displacement, COVID and civilian casualties. A speedy, negotiated solution to Venezuela’s political impasse is needed to preclude fusion with Colombia’s own protracted insurgency.

scholarly journals Automatic Gun Targeting System using Face Detection, IR and Ultra Sonic Sensor

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 389-393
Keyword(s):  
Wireless Communication ◽  
Face Detection ◽  
Human Mobility ◽  
Research Work ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Automation System ◽  
Defence Mechanism ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
Border Areas

In this paper, our objective is to devise a new defence mechanism using automation, which will seek to provide a viable solution to tighten the security around the border areas and simultaneously reduce the burden on soldiers. With the help of automation, we can increase the efficiency of safeguarding our borders in remote areas to a great extent, and this will also result in a better quality of surveillance due to this technological intervention. The main focus for us will be in the creation of an active and real-time device for the armed forces, which will help safeguard the relatively remote border areas where human mobility is restricted. The devised mechanism will consist of three modules: face detection of a human intruder, wireless communication, and hardware detection of an intruder. The automation system in this defence mechanism majorly consists of face detection of a human intruder, which is supported and complemented by Ultrasonic and IR Sensors. This system is implemented using Arduino microcontroller, which will be complemented with NodeMCU to provide necessary wireless communication for sending intruder detection and location information to the cloud, which will trigger the gun to shoot down the enemy. The use of wireless communication over GSM is preferred solely because the control stations receive Wi-Fi signals directly from the satellite, which is very reliable and fast. The main application of our research work is to ensure safeguarding border region around remote areas where patrolling is difficult for army personnel and will be implemented by the armed forces.

scholarly journals Broadening the Perspective on Military Cohesion? A Reply

2020 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2094715
Author(s):  
Anthony King
Keyword(s):  
State Policy ◽  
Organizational Factors ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Small Unit ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Western State ◽  
Special Collection ◽  
Irregular Forces ◽  
Unit Cohesion

In 2018, Ilmari Käihkö published a special collection in Armed Forces & Society on the debate about small unit cohesion. Later, in reaction to a response by Guy Siebold, he published a further intervention with Peter Haldén. Focusing on my 2006 article in the journal and my subsequent debate, Käihkö has claimed that the cohesion debate is too narrow. It ignores organizational factors in the armed forces and wider political factors, including nationalism and state policy. Consequently, it is incapable of analyzing non-Western state or irregular forces and is only relevant for the 20th and 21st centuries. This response shows that while Käihkö’s extension of the empirical archive to non-Western armed groups is to be welcomed, none of his theoretical claims are sustainable.

Exploring the “continuous combat function” concept in armed conflicts: Time for an extended application?

2018 ◽  
Vol 100 (907-909) ◽  
pp. 267-285
Author(s):  
Sabrina Henry
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Function Concept ◽  
Extended Application

AbstractThis paper focuses on the “continuous combat function” concept and proposes to extend its application. First, the article will demonstrate that the continuous combat function concept should be extended to certain members of organized armed groups in cases where those groups do not belong to any of the parties to an international armed conflict and whose actions do not reach the level of intensity required for a separate non-international armed conflict (NIAC) to exist. Secondly, the paper will look at the extension of this concept in order to determine individual membership in State armed forces in the context of a NIAC, while arguing that the notion of “armed forces” should be interpreted differently depending of the nature of the conflict, be it international or non-international.

Iraqi measures to rein in militias will be cosmetic

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Government Decision

Significance Meanwhile, concern is growing that Israel is mounting regular airstrikes on Iran-backed militia bases inside Iraq. The conflict against Islamic State (IS) led to the emergence of numerous armed groups, known as the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMUs), formalised by a 2014 government decision and theoretically integrated into the armed forces in 2018. Most are drawn from southern Shia areas, and many of the largest are backed by Iran. Impacts Militias will be forced to lower their profile and present fewer threats. Larger Iran-backed militias will use reforms to consolidate their power. Israel will continue striking Iran-backed militias and Iraq may turn to Russia for air defence.

The Brazilian Military Regime, 1964–1985

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Napolitano
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Capitalist Development ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Groups

Since its establishment in 1889, the history of the Brazilian republic was marked by the centrality of the armed forces, particularly the army, in political life. But between 1964 and 1985, the military was in direct command of the state, imposing indirectly elected generals as president. After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil’s vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals’ governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. Understanding the role of the military regime in Brazilian history requires a combination of historical research and historiographic criticism in light of the disputes over memory that continue to divide social and political actors.

Part IV The Right to Reparation/Guarantees of Non-Recurrence, B Guarantees of Non-Recurrence of Violations, Principle 37 Disbandment of Parastatal Armed Forces/Demobilization and Social Reintegration of Children

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duthie Roger ◽  
Mayer-Rieckh Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Social Reintegration ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
The Right

Principle 37 focuses on the disbandment of parastatal armed forces and the demobilization and social reintegration of children involved in armed conflicts. It articulates measures designed to prevent the transformation of conflict violence to criminal violence through the dismantling and reintegration of all armed groups engaged in abuses, and outlines comprehensive responses to the injustices experienced by children during armed conflict. This chapter first provides a contextual and historical background on Principle 37 before discussing its theoretical framework and practice. It then examines the importance of reintegration processes and how they can be affected by transitional justice measures, along with their implications for former child combatants. It also highlights the relevance of measures for dealing with unofficial armed groups from an impunity standpoint, as well as the efforts of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs to address them.

Historical Development

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kubo Mačák
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Liberation Movements

This chapter examines the access to combatant status by members of non-state armed groups from a historical perspective. It demonstrates that practically since the time the distinction between combatants and non-combatants had solidified into law, the applicable rules have permitted members of at least some non-state armed groups to benefit from combatant status. At various times in the history of regulation of armed conflicts, these groups have included militias and volunteer corps, armed forces professing allegiance to a non-recognized governmental authority, and national liberation movements. Overall, the historical analysis presented in this chapter suggests that it would be erroneous to interpret the rules on eligibility for combatancy in the context of internationalized armed conflicts in an unduly restrictive manner.

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