Made in the U.S.A.: American Military Aid to Israel

2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frida Berrigan

Enforcement of U.S. law concerning weapons exports and the disbursement of military aid are subject to highly politicized interpretations of concepts like ““legitimate self-defense”” and ““safeguarding internal security.”” As illustrated by Israel's July 2006 war in Lebanon and its 2008––2009 Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, Washington has essentially allowed Israel to define ““self-defense”” however it chooses. This overview of U.S. military aid to Israel, including weapons sales and related support of its domestic military industrial complex, examines in detail the mechanisms through which aid is funneled, the restrictions on aid that do exist, and the uses to which U.S. military aid has been put——particularly in terms of Israel's military operations and its exports abroad.

Author(s):  
Peter Baldwin

Americans Are Patriotic And Nationalist, but not more than some Europeans (figure 173). Unsurprisingly, Germans are least proud of their nation, and rather unexpectedly and cheerily, the Portuguese—not the Americans—are most proud, with the Irish tied for second place. A 2007 survey reveals that a larger proportion of Italians consider their culture superior than any other nationalities surveyed, including the Americans. Another survey finds that only the Irish feel more uniformly proud to be of their nation. Proportionately more Austrians, Irish, French, and Danes claim they feel very close to their nation than do Americans. Americans are more likely than any Europeans to think that their country is better than most others. But proportionately more Portuguese, Danes, and Spaniards feel that the world would be improved if other people were like them. And any U.S. tendency to boosterism is tempered by the finding that a larger fraction of Americans admits that certain aspects of their country shame them than do the Germans, Austrians, Spanish, French, Danes, or Finns. No country more robustly projects its own nationalist aspirations in the products it sells abroad than the supposedly postnational Swedes. Swedish manufacturers, or at least their advertising agencies, seem convinced that the sheer fact of being Swedish is a selling point. Ikea’s walls are adorned with musings on the preternaturally close relationship between Swedes and nature that allegedly sets them apart from the rest of humanity, as are packets of Wasa crispbread. Asko’s slogan, “Made In Sweden,” is festooned prominently on its products. Though it does not necessarily inspire confidence that the company’s dishwashers are better than the competition, it certainly makes clear Asko’s national origins. Absolut Vodka’s tag—in uncharacteristically unidiomatic English—“Country of Sweden,” does much the same. Saab hawks its cars as “Born from Jets,” an unsubtle allusion to the company’s standing as a pillar of the Swedish military-industrial complex.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Kimberly D. McKee

This chapter situates the origins of international adoption in the American military industrial complex and the localized effects of American imperialism abroad. The long-standing relationship between the United States and Korea elucidates how a single program laid the groundwork for international adoption programs across the globe. This chapter provides an overview for considering how the transnational adoption industrial complex facilitated the growth of a sustained phenomenon of globalized, social reproduction. As part of this analysis, this chapter discusses two new adoptee tropes—the adoptee killjoy and every adoptee—that were borne from the happy, grateful adoptee and angry, bitter adoptee stereotypes. The adoptee killjoy and every adoptee exist on a continuum of minor affects that arise in adoptees’ critiques of adoption practices.


Author(s):  
Mark R. Wilson

Since 1945, chapter 4 argues the American military has been privatized and de-militarized. The armed forces became less responsible for weapons production and global logistics. The Pentagon has relied increasingly upon commercial vendors and private contractors to occupy the Oval Office and has followed President Herbert Hoover’s call for the expansion of private enterprise in military affairs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 152 (4) ◽  
pp. 105-126
Author(s):  
Jarosław NAWROTEK

Russia has been for many years one of main producers and exporters of arms and military equipment. But even if the Russian Military-industrial Complex still maintains a leading position, there is at least one domain where it was forced to quit positions kept during the Soviet Union and does not present any new achievements. The question refers to firearms where relatively low costs of manufacture are transformed on a few percentage share in the world arms trade. This market has a significant symbolic meaning for Russia despite of its modest financial dimension. Military operations require a deployment of infantry with its firearms, independently on state of the art technology of the arms used by the armies. Beside the armed forces, the firearms are used by special and antiterrorist services, police, border and coastal guards, and also by the structures dedicated for fighting the drugs trafficking.


Antipode ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 777-782 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Farish ◽  
Patrick Vitale

Author(s):  
E. O. Savchenko

The article analyzes the current situation in the American defense contractor Raytheon Technologies and assesses prospects of business development in view of present short- and long-term trends. As events in Karabachos, Syria, Libya and some other countries showed, today we can see the growing importance of war tools in pursuing foreign policy and it makes research and analysis of military-industrial complex companies more topical. Academic literature pays serious attention mainly to companies of the American military-industrial complex, which can be explained by their impact and leading positions on market. At the same time it should be pointed out that these materials demonstrate summarizing nature and do not deal with concrete and specific matters of such companies. The choice of the company Raytheon Technologies was stipulated by the fact that, due to merger with United Technologies, today it is one of the biggest American companies of the defense-industrial complex. Our analysis can support the idea of the high potential of consolidation of the defense-industrial complex sector in Western countries, which can lead to closure of unprofitable (low profitable) capacities and mass reduction of jobs, as well as degrading of technological and other related competences.


Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Ajie Mahar Muhammad

Negara-negara di kawasan Timur Tengah, mulai dari Iran, Irak, Lebanon, Suriah, Yaman, Bahrain, Mesir, hingga Turki, dan negara-negara lainnya, seolah tak henti didera konflik politik. Di beberapa negara, konflik bahkan berujung pada konflik bersenjata, misalnya di Irak, Suriah dan Yaman. Setiap harinya, selalu muncul berita yang mengabarkan perkembangan konflik bersenjata di kawasan tersebut, seakan menunjukkan bahwa konflik di sana tak akan pernah usai. Hal tersebut memunculkan pertanyaan, apa yang menyebabkan konflik di Timur Tengah berlarut-larut? Artikel ini mengaitkan hubungan antara konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di Timur Tengah dengan fenomena neoliberalisme yang saat ini menjadi motor penggerak ekonomi global. Dengan menggunakan konsep military-industrial complex, artikel ini berargumen bahwasanya ada pemodal besar yang memaksa kondisi ini untuk tetap berlangsung karena mereka diuntungkan oleh berlarut-larutnya perang ini.


2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-174
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Wills

On January 8, 2008, executives at MacDonald, Dettwiler and Associates (MDA), a systems engineering firm centered in Vancouver, British Columbia, triggered a political firestorm by announcing that, subject to regulatory approval by the governments of Canada and the United States, shareholders had approved the sale of the firm's space business to Alliant Techsystems (ATK), an aerospace company and manufacturer of land mines, cluster bombs, and missiles headquartered in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Daniel Friedmann, MDA's chief executive since 1995, argued the sale would “allow the company to focus management and financial resources exclusively on its rapidly growing information products business,” particularly the firm's property-information systems for those “involved in real estate-related transactions such as the buying, selling, conveyancing, mortgage financing, and insurance of properties.”


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