OUR REVOLUTIONARY MEDICAL HERITAGE

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 330-330
Author(s):  
Student

The aggressive approach that has characterized American medicine was evident even before the American revolution. Dr. Benjamin Rush, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence and a doctor whose influence on American medicine lasted for decades, believed that one of the hindrances to the development of medicine had been an "undue reliance upon the powers of nature in curing disease," a thesis he blamed on Hippocrates. . . . Rush was converted to aggressive medicine during a yellow-fever epidemic, when he found that larger and larger quantities of mercury and jalap (purges) appeared to cure the patients. . . . Rush [also] believed that blood-letting was beneficial and urged his disciples to continue bleeding until four-fifths of the body's blood was removed. . . . He was imbued with the idea that even nature itself had been put under control of the American revolution.

Author(s):  
Terry Rey

Arriving in Philadelphia in 1793 as a refugee, and carrying a letter of introduction to President George Washington, Abbé Ouvière soon remade himself in the United States—only not as a priest, but as a physician and scientist. The timing was opportune, as the population of his French compatriots in the city swelled in 1792 to nearly 10% of Philadelphians and with them came the yellow fever epidemic. Though no longer known as Abbé Ouvière, the priest plunged into the struggle against the epidemic, now as Dr. Pascalis, treating patients with American luminary Benjamin Rush and embarking on a long and storied career as a pioneering figure in early American science and medicine. This chapter details Pascalis’ life in America, from 1793 until his death in 1832, focusing attention on the windows that his biography open onto the contours and functions of religion, race, slavery, and science in the revolutionary Atlantic world.


Author(s):  
Susan Mitchell Sommers

This chapter places Ebenezer and Manoah Sibly in the dramatic political events of their day, especially the American and French Revolutions, and the Treason Trials of the 1790s. Ebenezer is frequently cited as a radical Whig, who opposed slavery and supported the American Revolution and other radical causes. Little is said about Manoah’s politics, other than that as a New Church minister, he was of necessity a loyalist. However, a close examination of Ebenezer’s writing, and especially the timing of the publication of his comments on the American and French Revolutions, reveals him as much more moderate than has been asserted, especially in discussions of his nativity for the Declaration of Independence. On the other hand, Manoah’s work as shorthand taker for the London Corresponding Society and acceptance of Swedenborg’s dramatically radical theology reveal him as a profoundly radical thinker—and one who was moved to act on his convictions.


2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-256
Author(s):  
MICHAEL A. McDONNELL ◽  
WOODY HOLTON

Virginia, Britain's most populous and arguably most important North American colony, once seemed the perfect fit for the “consensus” interpretation of the War of Independence. Indeed, the percentage of white colonists who became loyalists was probably lower in Virginia than in any other rebelling colony. The widespread agreement on secession from Britain should not, however, be mistaken for social consensus. The reality was that revolutionary Virginia was frequently in turmoil. One of the most intriguing of the local insurrections broke out in the northern county of Loudoun just five months before the Declaration of Independence. In February 1776, the county erupted into a heated confrontation pitting gentlemen against their less wealthy neighbours. Lund Washington, who was managing Mount Vernon, warned his cousin, General George Washington, who was outside Boston training his fledgeling patriot army, that the “first Battle we have in this part of the Country will be in Loudon” – not against British soldiers, but against fellow patriots. Within a week, the revolutionary government in Williamsburg, the Committee of Safety, felt compelled to send troops to quell the disturbances. Yet, for months afterwards, gentry Virginians worried that their effort to suppress the rebellion had failed. In mid-May, Andrew Leitch told Leven Powell of Loudoun, “I really lament the torn and distracted condition of your County.” The “troublesome times,” as another gentleman called them, were slow to abate.


1990 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norma Basch

When Thomas Jefferson assessed the pros and cons of legalizing divorce before the American Revolution, he came out firmly on the side of divorce. “No partnership,” he declared, in a rationale that prefigured the Declaration of Independence, “can oblige continuance in contradiction to its end and design.” Among the few misgivings he had, however, was the problem of dividing marital assets, and while he was convinced a man could get a wife at any age, he was concerned that a woman beyond a certain age would be unable to find a new partner. Yet he envisioned divorce as a remedy for women. A husband, he noted, had “many ways of rendering his domestic affairs agreeable, by Command or desertion,” whereas a wife was “confined & subject.” That he assessed divorce as a woman's remedy while representing a client intent on blocking a wife's separate maintenance is not without irony. Still, in a world where the repudiation of a spouse was a husband's prerogative, he believed that the freedom to divorce would restore “to women their natural right of equality.”


Author(s):  
Carlton F.W. Larson

The Introduction opens with a vignette of James Wilson, prominent attorney and signer of the Declaration of Independence, fighting for his life against members of the Philadelphia militia in the “Fort Wilson” incident of 1779. It then turns to the primary themes of the book: treason and juries. Treason was a central issue of the American Revolution, shaping the early debates over the legality of British actions, the treatment of British adherents, and eventually the suppression of internal rebellions. Juries played a critical role in this process, and this book provides the most detailed analysis of eighteenth-century American jurors yet written. The book focuses on Pennsylvania, as this was the most critical jurisdiction for the law of treason.


Author(s):  
Sarah E Naramore

Summary Between 1789 and 1813, over 3,000 men received medical instruction in Philadelphia from physician and educator Benjamin Rush. Despite the fact that on average students remained for only 1.4 years of formal education, this cohort of American doctors formulated a national and professional identity grounded in shared experiences and fostered through interpersonal networks. This essay argues that a networked approach to studying early American doctors will provide more robust information about the development of a distinctive American medical profession in the nineteenth century. Using large data sets gleaned from manuscript sources this project uncovers patterns of migration and communication for otherwise invisible American medical men.


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret A. Nash

Immediately after the American Revolution, the founders set about the task of ensuring the continued existence of the fledgling republic. Facing a host of problems—economic, social, and governmental—some founders promoted a concept of schooling that would inculcate patriotism and forge a uniquely American identity. Noah Webster wanted to create an American language, and Benjamin Rush wanted schools to “convert men into republican machines.” Webster, Rush, Thomas Jefferson, and others all wanted to use some version of common schooling to instill in children a sense of nationalism. Textbooks used in these common schools would be a likely way to further promote a sense of American identity. What that identity should be, though, and what the “good citizen” of the new republic should look like, was sharply contested, and textbooks of this period reflect many of the fissures in the work of nation building.


Author(s):  
Jeff Broadwater

Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration of Independence, and James Madison, “Father of the Constitution,” were two of the most important Founders of the United States as well as the closest of political allies. Yet historians have often seen a tension between the idealistic rhetoric of the Declaration and the more pedestrian language of the Constitution. Moreover, to some, the adoption of the Constitution represented a repudiation of the democractic values of the Revolution. In this book, Jeff Broadwater explores the evolution of the constitutional thought of these two seminal American figures, from the beginning of the American Revolution through the adoption of the Bill of Rights. In explaining how the two political compatriots could have produced such seemingly dissimilar documents but then come to a common constitutional ground, Broadwater reveals how their collaboration ---and their disagreements---influenced the full range of constitutional questions during this early period of the American republic.


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