scholarly journals Dual Partisanship in the South: Anachronism, or a Real Barrier to Republican Success in the Region?

1993 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 487-500
Author(s):  
Jay Barth

This paper employs contemporary polling data to determine the degree to which dual partisanship is preponderant in the mass public of the eleven southern states. Because dual partisanship shows a lack of connection between the national political parties and the parties at lower levels, widespread dual partisanship could be seen as an important barrier to the “trickling down” of Republicanism in the region. While dual partisanship is not found to be present in large numbers in the contemporary southern electorate, differences in the partisan commitments of southern voting groups - of age, gender, and subregion - have important implications for the present and future workings of southern voting groups - of age, gender, and subregion - have important implications for the present and future workings of southern politics. The paper goes on to discuss how this absence of dual partisanship from the thinking of most members of the mass electorate in the region could coexist with evidence of dual partisanship among southern party activists reported in recent survey results.

1993 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 197-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Hadley

To whom does the South belong politically, now that an all-southern ticket has reclaimed the White House for the Democratic party? Review of 1992 voting returns for national, statewide, and legislative races in the South, contrasted with those from earlier presidential years, lead to only one conclusion: the South continues to move toward the Republican party. The Clinton-Gore ticket ran behind its percentage of the national vote in most southern states, as well as behind all Democratic candidates in statewide races, and would have won without any southern electoral votes; whereas Bush-Quayle ran ahead of their percentage of the national vote in every southern state except Clinton’s Arkansas, while Republicans gained seats in southern legislatures and congressional delegations. It is suggested that southern electoral college votes won by Democratic presidential candidates in 1976 and 1992 hinged upon Democratic vote-getters in races for statewide offices in each state carried except the presidential candidates’ home states.


1984 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Van Wingen

In his classic, Southern Politics, Key used the term “one-party factionalism” to describe the electoral politics of the South during the 1930s and 1940s: “one-party” because the Republicans offered, at best, only minimal opposition to the Democrats, and “factional” because several groups tended to vie for control of the top state offices via electoral victories in the Democratic primaries. According to Key, severe consequences accompanied one-party factionalism. In most of the southern states, primary voters could not even vote the “ins” out of office, for the competing factions were so fluid that it was never clear who, if anyone, represented the ins. The haves in southern society normally controlled government; although those in power had their differences, particularly in style, most of them agreed that the status quo needed protection. The less privileged lacked organized avenues for expressing their needs.


2002 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 93-121
Author(s):  
Robert T. Carey ◽  
Bruce W. Ransom ◽  
J. David Woodard

The political landscape of the South traditionally has been dominated by the monolith of the Democratic Party. In the last decades of the twentieth century, the political climate was reversed, with many southern states voting Republican, especially in national elections. This political shift is examined in the context of economic, social, and cultural shifts in the South, beginning in 1950, the end of V.O. Key’s seminal work, and ending in 2000. This political shift is quantified with an adaptation of the Ranney Index of Party Competition.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Garvin

Definitions of the political party in the context of Western competitive electoral politics have usually centred on the notion that the critical function of the political party is power-seeking or power-wielding. In practice, of course, Western parties of the unpaid voluntary kind cannot be solely concerned with power-seeking in the sense of vote-getting; they must also take the opinions and wishes of their own activists into account, at least to some extent. Thus, Epstein's emphasis on the nomination and electoral functions of political parties, although fundamentally correct, should not be allowed to obscure other central preoccupations of party leaders, in particular the problems they often face in attempting to keep an organization in being between elections without recourse to extensive material payoffs in the shape of patronage or regular salaries for large numbers of activists.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
John A. Clark ◽  
Charles Prysby

The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 54-78
Author(s):  
Petr Adamec ◽  
Marián Svoboda

This paper deals with the results of sociological survey focused on identification of the attitudes of elderly people to further education. The research was carried out in September 2010. Experience of elderly people with further education, their readiness (determination) for further education as well as their motivation and barriers in further education were also subjects of this research. Detecting elderly population’s awareness of universities of the third age and finding out their further education preferences were an integral part of the research. Research sample consisted of citizens over 55 years living in the South Moravian region. The survey results are structured by socio-demographic features e.g.: age, sex, educational attainment etc. and provide an interesting insight into the attitudes of the target group to one of the activities that contributes to improvement of their quality of life.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

The book integrates philosophical, historical, and empirical analyses in order to highlight the profound roots of the limited legitimation of parties in contemporary society. Political parties’ long attempts to gain legitimacy are analysed from a philosophical–historical perspective pinpointing crucial passages in their theoretical and empirical acceptance. The book illustrates the process through which parties first emerged and then achieved full legitimacy in the early twentieth century. It shows how, paradoxically, their role became absolute in the totalitarian regimes of the interwar period when the party became hyper-powerful. In the post-war period, parties shifted from a golden age of positive reception and organizational development towards a more difficult relationship with society as it moved into post-industrialism. Parties were unable to master societal change and favoured the state to recover resources they were no longer able to extract from their constituencies. Parties have become richer and more powerful, but they have ‘paid’ for their pervasive presence in society and the state with a declining legitimacy. The party today is caught in a dramatic contradiction. It has become a sort of Leviathan with clay feet: very powerful thanks to the resources it gets from the state and to its control of societal and state spheres due to an extension of clientelistic and patronage practices; but very weak in terms of legitimacy and confidence in the eyes of the mass public. However, it is argued that there is still no alternative to the party, and some hypotheses to enhance party democracy are advanced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Fliess

AbstractEmigrant voting rights have opened new electoral arenas, and many political parties increasingly campaign across borders. Yet relatively little is known about the challenges parties confront when campaigning transnationally and the strategies they have developed in response to these challenges. This paper addresses these shortcomings. First, I investigate the hurdles Latin American parties face in linking up with organized migrant collectives in residency countries for campaigning purposes. Second, I probe into the transnational linkage strategies these parties deploy to tap into migrant associations’ resources and mobilization capacities. This study builds on a comparative research design and draws on almost 40 semi-structured interviews with Bolivian and Ecuadorian party activists as well as association leaders in Barcelona, Spain. Departing from the party interest group literature, I identify three transnational linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties implement: 1) Infiltration, 2) Co-optation, and 3) Cooperation. All parties execute these tactics informally in order to comply with local norms that require associations to remain apolitical. The analysis further demonstrates that differences between home-country electoral systems shape the types of linkage strategies Bolivian and Ecuadorian parties use. This article contributes to the study of migrant politics and political parties in important ways. This study highlights how political parties actively negotiate their entry into the transnational electoral arena, and sheds light on how migrants remain politically connected to their home countries.


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