scholarly journals Are Low Food Prices Pro-Poor? Net Food Buyers And Sellers In Low-Income Countries

Author(s):  
M. Ataman Aksoy ◽  
Aylin Isik-Dikmelik
2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (No. 10) ◽  
pp. 458-468
Author(s):  
Chen Ding ◽  
Umar Muhammad Gummi ◽  
Shan-bing Lu ◽  
Asiya Muazu

Oil exporting economies were the most hit by the recent oil price shock that spills on the food market in an increasingly volatile macroeconomic environment. This paper examines and compares sub-samples [before crisis <br />(2000 Q1–2013 Q1) and during crisis (2013 Q2–2019 Q4)] as to the impact of oil price on food prices in high- and low-income oil-exporting countries. We found an inverse relationship between oil and food prices in the long run based on full samples and sub-samples in high-income countries. The story is different during the crisis period: in low-income countries and all the countries combined, oil and food prices co-move in the long run as measured by the Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares (FMOLS) and Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares (DOLS). Our findings suggest that economic structure and uncertain events (crises) dictate the behaviour and relationship between food and oil markets. Food and oil prices may drift away in the short-run, but market forces turn them toward equilibrium in the long-run. Moreover, low-income countries are indifferent in both periods due to limited capacity to balance the increasing demand for and supply of food items.


2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Ataman Aksoy ◽  
Aylin Isik-Dikmelik

1993 ◽  
Vol 32 (4II) ◽  
pp. 859-872
Author(s):  
Nuzhat Iqbal

Price distortions induce inefficient utilisation of resources by giving incorrect signals to producers and consumers. Since distorted prices do not reflect the real value of resources, quantities of goods and services produced may not be consistent with their demand. The price Distortions may be caused by a number of different reasons. They may, for instance, be caused by monopolistic tendencies, preferential treatment of a particular sector of economy, establishment of diffusion of a particular product or an input, etc. In fact, price distortions occur sometimes from deliberate and sometime inadvertent Government policies of subsidies and price supports in pursuance of certain social or economic objectives. Both producers and consumers maximise their economic welfare by allocating their resources in response to price signals from a fully comPetitive market. Since movements in commodity prices especially food prices affect producers and consumers in exactly the opposite way, fixation of their prices in developing countries represents a policy dilemma. While prices of all items used by consumers and .producers are iml?ortant, food prices carry a unique significance in low income countries where the marginal propensity to consume is very high. Since farm producers are also food consumers, the net impact of a food price change in their case will depend on the extent to which they have emerged from a subsistence economy. However, if inputs are subject to price fixation, the impact will be felt more readily and directly. In fact, where there is no Government intervention, prices equilibrate consumer demand with the productive capacities of producers. If prices are distorted by any agency~ their allocative role is seriously diminished. Imperfections of both size and operation being prevailed ultimately induce misallocation of resources in the country. Resource use efficiencies increase, if government restricts its role to ensuring proper functioning of the market and lets the prices to be determined by the forces of demand and supply.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-234
Author(s):  
Emerta A Aragie ◽  
Jean Balié ◽  
Cristian Morales -Opazo

Following the price hikes of 2007–2008 and 2010–2011, many governments in low-income countries implemented food export bans. While several studies investigate the macroeconomic impacts of such bans on large net exporters of grains, only very few country case studies have examined the economy-wide and distributional effects combined. Further, there is a lack of rigorous studies that explicitly analyse cereal export bans as policy responses to external price shocks and their net combined effects, both in the immediate and in the short run. This article evaluates this situation for the case of Ethiopia, a net food-importing country. We find that international price shocks not only do affect domestic prices but could also considerably suppress domestic food production and supplies. A cereal export ban can help stabilize domestic food prices but cannot fully erase the price hike. We, however, note that the ban further discourages domestic cereal production and reduces rural households’ welfare.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (12) ◽  
pp. 1243-1252
Author(s):  
C. D. Butler ◽  
I. C. Hanigan

This paper explores evidence relevant to the hypothesis that human-generated climate change (global warming) is already, and will increasingly, add to the existing burden of disadvantage experienced by populations in low-income countries, the ‘Global South'. Well recognised health manifestations of global warming include from heatwaves and other extreme weather events, changes to infectious disease patterns, and undernutrition, arising from higher food prices, reduced food availability and reduced nutrient concentrations of many foods. These effects have been called ‘primary' and ‘secondary'. Although these manifestations will have effects globally, their biggest impact on health is and will be upon poor and vulnerable populations in low-income settings. Also well recognised, manual labourers are increasingly vulnerable from excessive heat and humidity. There is less recognition that climate change interacts with social and political determinants of health, contributing to ‘tertiary' health consequences including conflict, forced migration and famine. In turn, these effects may deepen poverty traps in the Global South. Human-generated climate change is principally caused by the policies and lifestyles of populations in high-income countries (the Global North). The recent recognition by the British government that climate change is an emergency is encouraging, and may help motivate the widespread global behavioural changes that are needed to reduce the many risks from global warming, including to the people of the South.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 623-623
Author(s):  
Yan Bai ◽  
Lieven Huybregts ◽  
Lora Iannotti ◽  
Melissa Chapnick ◽  
Andrew Jones ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives Meeting infant needs requires complementing breastmilk with the gradual introduction of solid foods after 6 months. Existing studies have limited evidence on the availability and cost of complementary foods needed during the 6–23 month window when millions of children experience irreversible harm from inadequate diets. Methods Using food prices from the World Bank on 374 items potentially used for infant foods and available for sale in 31 low-income countries, food composition data, and dietary reference intakes (DRIs), we compute least-cost diets for children between 6–23 months. We further used data for food yield and nutrient retention factors and introduced volume constraints. DRIs differ for children aged 6–8 months, 9–11 months, and 12–23 months. We used lower and upper bounds on 25 different nutrients plus fiber and sodium. Our primary specification (Scenario I) considers only total protein and fats, while a more restrictive Scenario II also considers 11 essential amino acids and fatty acids. Results The cost of complementary foods to replace breastmilk is $1–2/day at 6–8 months when small quantities of high-cost ingredients are needed, then declines to below $/1day at 9–11 months when lower-cost foods can be used before rising above $1/day again as children grow. Increased breastfeeding substitutes for complementary foods to a limited degree, as shown by the small decline in cost as breastmilk intake rises, and there is a clear threshold beyond which sufficiently nutrient-dense ingredients are very expensive or entirely unavailable. Average intake recommendation levels of breastmilk measured in low-income countries are close to that which makes complementary feeding least expensive, except in Scenario II for the youngest children. Conclusions We find that sufficient nutrients from complementary foods for infants from 6 to 23 months are not affordable for many households in these countries, implying a need for targeted assistance, especially in settings where household incomes are below the global poverty line of $1.90/person/day. Funding Sources This study was funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation through the project Advancing Research on Nutrition and Agriculture (AReNA), Phase II (Investment ID: OPP1177007), jointly with the project Food Prices for Nutrition (INV-016158) funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and UKAid.


2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (1a) ◽  
pp. 111-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Alexandratos

AbstractObjectiveTo put the debate on the Mediterranean diet in context by highlighting historical and prospective changes in the level and composition of food consumption in the world and key Mediterranean countries.DesignData from FAO's food balance sheets are used to illustrate historical evolution. Projections to 2030 are presented from FAO's recent and ongoing work on exploring world food and agriculture futures.SettingInternational.Results and conclusionsMany developing countries are undergoing diet transitions bringing them closer to the diets prevalent in the richer countries, i.e. with more energy-dense foods. There follows an increase in the incidence of diet-related non-communicable diseases, which are superimposed on the health problems related to undernutrition that still afflict them. In parallel, many low-income countries are making little progress towards raising food consumption levels necessary for good nutrition and food security. Wider adoption of food consumption patterns akin to those of the Mediterranean diet hold promise of contributing to mitigate adverse effects of such diet transitions. However, the evolution of food consumption in the Mediterranean countries themselves is not encouraging, as these countries have also followed the trend towards higher shares of energy-dense foods. Possible policy responses to these problems include measures to raise awareness of the benefits of healthier diets and/or to change relative food prices in favour of such diets (by taxing fattening foods) or, at the extreme, making individuals who follow ‘bad’ diets, and thus are prone to associated diseases, bear a higher part of the consequent costs borne by the public health systems (tax fat people).


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osei Yeboah ◽  
Saleem Shaik ◽  
Obed Quaicoe

The effects of population, income, prices of major inputs, and exchange rate of the U.S. dollar on the prices of three key agricultural and food commodities (feed grains, oilseed, and fruits) for 13 low-income countries and seven middle-income countries were evaluated. Given the short time period, a modified seeming unrelated regression-vector autoregressive model that incorporates the lagged exogenous variables property of time series models and the system of equation estimation is employed in the analysis. The study finds no single factor that persistently explains all soaring food prices as reported in the literature. The only factor that persistently explains soaring food prices are the contemporaneous and one-year lagged exchange rates and income.


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