scholarly journals Editorial

Author(s):  
Christa Rautenbach

This edition of PER consists of one oratio, 13 articles and one book review dealing with a variety of themes.The first contribution is an oratio delivered by Lourens du Plessis at a colloquium hosted by the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, on 2 October 2015 to celebrate his life and work, in which he aptly refers to himself as a "learned jackal for justice".The first of the 13 articles is by Lonias Ndlovu, who uses the 2013 Supreme Court of India case of Novartis AG v Union of India to argue for legislative reform by SADC members in the granting of patents for new versions of old medicines. Secondly, Lunga Siyo and John Mubangizi consider whether the existing constitutional and legislative mechanisms provide sufficient judicial independence to South African judges, which is fundamental to democracy.Leah Ndimurwimo and Melvin Mbao trace the root causes of Burundi's systemic armed violence and argue that despite several UN Security Council Resolutions and peace agreements aimed at national reconciliation and reconstruction, mass killings and other heinous crimes remain unaddressed. In the fourth place, Marelize Marais and Jan Pretorius present a detailed contextual analysis of the categorical prohibition of hate speech in terms of section 10(1) of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act). Phillipa King and Christine Reddell discuss the pivotal role of the public in water use rights, especially in the context of theNational Water Act 36 of 1998 in the fifth article. The difficulties surrounding the tripartite scheme of statutory, constitutional and living law in a pluralistic system such as South Africa are the focus of the article by Rita Ozoemena. She uses the case of Mayelane v Ngwenyama 2013 4 SA 415 (CC) as an example to illustrate the difficulties experienced in trying to balance this scheme. Angela van der Berg critically discusses and describes from a legal perspective the potential and function of public-private partnerships (PPPs) between local government (municipalities) and the private sector in fulfilling the legally entrenched disaster management mandate of municipalities. André van der Walt and Sue-Mari Viljoen argue that there are sound theoretical and systemic reasons why it is necessary to keep in mind the differences between property, land rights and housing rights when analysing, interpreting and applying any of these rights in a specific constitutional text. The special procedural measures which must be considered in terms of the Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 in order to decide if a contract is procedurally fair are analysed by Philip Stoop in his article. Liz Lewis also scrutinises the judicial development of customary law in the case of Mayelane v Ngwenyama 2013 4 SA 415 (CC). She pleads for a judicial approach which take cognisance of the norms and values with reference to their particular context and audience instead of those embedded in international and western law. Water security, which is dealt with by Ed Couzens, remains a highly topical theme in a country such as South Africa. He explores ways to circumvent the effects of the Constitutional Court in Mazibuko v City of Johannesburg 2010 4 SA 1 (CC) with regard to the allocation of water to the poor. Izelle du Plessis discusses some of the existing opinions regarding the incorporation of double taxation agreements into the domestic law of South Africa. Last, but not least, Koos Malan deliberates on the rule of law and constitutional supremacy and comes to the conclusion that they are, from the perspective of the factual dimension of the law, more susceptible to the volatility of unpredictable changes and instability than the doctrine of the rule of law and constitutional supremacy purport them to be.In the last contribution to this edition, Robbie Robinson reviews the book "International Law and Child Soldiers" written by Gus Waschefort and published by Hart Publishing (Oxford) in 2015. He is of the opinion that the book is asine qua non for studies of children in international law.

Author(s):  
Rósaan Krüger

The rule of law as a foundational constitutional value constrains the exercise of public power but the precise limits of the constraints it sets are not well defined. In Masethla v President of the Republic of South Africa,[1] the majority of the Constitutional Court opted for an interpretation of this value that frees the President from adherence to the demands of procedural fairness when exercising certain constitutional powers. This note will investigate the soundness of that interpretation against the background of theoretical expositions of the rule of law and earlier Constitutional Court judgments.[1]      2008 1 BCLR 1 (CC).


Author(s):  
Christa Rautenbach

This edition of PER consists of eight contributions; six articles and two notes. In the first article, Angelo Dubeanalyses the interaction amongst African States that eventually led to the development of universal jurisdiction regulations within their individual legal systems to determine if one can say that there is indeed an African signature in those legal rules. Anél Ferreira-Snyman deals with the rapid development of space technology and space flight which has rendered article IV of the Outer Space Treaty dealing with the military use of outer space outdated and in dire need of change. Moses Phooko's article investigates whether the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal has jurisdiction to deal with cases involving allegations of human rights violations. Analogous to the situation of Chinese people in South Africa who chose to be defined as "Black People" in terms of the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998 as well as the Broad Based Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003, Enyinna Nwauche examines the possibility that people living under a system of customary law may change their legal system by choosing another one. The last two articles, written in two parts by Andre Louw, deals with theEmployment Equity Act 55 of 1998. In the first part, he critically examines the organising principle of the affirmative provisions of this Act and assesses if it is in line with the constitutional requirements for a legitimate affirmative action programme or measure. In the second part, he critically evaluates the Constitutional Court judgment inSouth African Police Service v Solidarity obo Barnard 2014 6 SA 123 (CC), and highlights what he thinks the biggest areas of disappointment of this judgment are within the context of South Africa’s equality jurisprudence.In the first of two notes, Zsa-Zsa Boggenpoel analyses the Constitutional Court's use of the common law remedy ofmandament van spolie in Ngqukumba v Minister of Safety and Security 2014 5 SA 112 (CC). In the second note and last contribution of this edition, Petronell Kruger discusses the case of Western Cape Forum for Intellectual Disability v Government of the Republic of South Africa 2011 5 SA 87 (WCC), which dealt with the challenges faced by persons with disabilities relating to access to education in South Africa.


2017 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 83-94
Author(s):  
Marek Smolak

FROM THE CULTURE OF AUTHORITY TO THE CULTURE OF JUSTIFICATION. SOUTH AFRICAN EXPERIENCES The article focuses on gradual shift from the culture of authority to the culture of justification in South Africa. In culture of authority, justification for action is provided mainly at the stage of assigning authority and once authority has been assigned, the authorized body needs to offer lit­tle justification for its specific decisions. In aculture of justification even after authority has been assigned, the authorized body must still provide justification for all of its decisions. The culture of justification is associated with the expansive jurisdiction for the South African Constitutional Court. If proportionality is essentially arequirement of justification it is worthy to focus on The South Afri­can Constitutional Court, which has developed original proportionality test. This article examines the application of the test in order to evaluate the progress toward asociety based on human dignity, equality, and freedom. This evaluation is needed not only for South Africa but also for those states which struggle with infringement of the rule of law.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-154
Author(s):  
Konstantinos D Magliveras ◽  
Gino J Naldi

Abstract The article questions whether the Tribunal of the Southern Africa Development Community (sadc) ought to have entertained human rights cases given that the sadc Treaty does not endow it with such jurisdiction. It then analyses its demise in 2010, which was prompted by several rulings against Zimbabwe, whose policy of expropriating land without compensation was held to violate human rights. The pertinent aspects of these cases are reviewed, and the significance of Zimbabwe’s land reform programme is explained. The article elucidates why sadc leaders were prepared to suspend the Tribunal’s operation. This was a combination of alarm that it could evolve into a quasi-regional human rights court but also solidarity with the then President Mugabe, a hero of Africa’s liberation struggle. Finally, the pronouncements of the Constitutional Court of South Africa and the High Court of Tanzania on the lawfulness of the sadc Tribunal’s suspension are considered.


Author(s):  
Christa Rautenbach

This edition of PER consists of eight contributions; six articles and two notes. In the first article, Angelo Dubeanalyses the interaction amongst African States that eventually led to the development of universal jurisdiction regulations within their individual legal systems to determine if one can say that there is indeed an African signature in those legal rules. Anél Ferreira-Snyman deals with the rapid development of space technology and space flight which has rendered article IV of the Outer Space Treaty dealing with the military use of outer space outdated and in dire need of change. Moses Phooko's article investigates whether the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal has jurisdiction to deal with cases involving allegations of human rights violations. Analogous to the situation of Chinese people in South Africa who chose to be defined as "Black People" in terms of the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998 as well as the Broad Based Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003, Enyinna Nwauche examines the possibility that people living under a system of customary law may change their legal system by choosing another one. The last two articles, written in two parts by Andre Louw, deals with theEmployment Equity Act 55 of 1998. In the first part, he critically examines the organising principle of the affirmative provisions of this Act and assesses if it is in line with the constitutional requirements for a legitimate affirmative action programme or measure. In the second part, he critically evaluates the Constitutional Court judgment inSouth African Police Service v Solidarity obo Barnard 2014 6 SA 123 (CC), and highlights what he thinks the biggest areas of disappointment of this judgment are within the context of South Africa’s equality jurisprudence.In the first of two notes, Zsa-Zsa Boggenpoel analyses the Constitutional Court's use of the common law remedy ofmandament van spolie in Ngqukumba v Minister of Safety and Security 2014 5 SA 112 (CC). In the second note and last contribution of this edition, Petronell Kruger discusses the case of Western Cape Forum for Intellectual Disability v Government of the Republic of South Africa 2011 5 SA 87 (WCC), which dealt with the challenges faced by persons with disabilities relating to access to education in South Africa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


Author(s):  
Henk Addink

The pivotal aim of this book is to explain the creation, development, and impact of good governance from a conceptual, principal perspective and in the context of national administrative law. Three lines of reasoning have been worked out: developing the concept of good governance; specification of this concept by developing principles of good governance; and implementation of these principles of good governance on the national level. In this phase of further development of good governance, it is important to have a clear concept of good governance, presented in this book as the third cornerstone of a modern state, alongside the concepts of the rule of law and democracy. That is a rather new national administrative law perspective which is influenced by regional and international legal developments; thus, we can speak about good governance as a multilevel concept. But the question is: how is this concept of good governance further developed? Six principles of good governance (which in a narrower sense also qualify as principles of good administration) have been further specified in a systematic way, from a legal perspective. These are the principles of properness, transparency, participation, effectiveness, accountability, and human rights. Furthermore, the link has been made with integrity standards. The important developments of each of these principles are described on the national level in Europe, but also in countries outside Europe (such as Australia, Canada, and South Africa). This book gives a systematic comparison of the implementation of the principles of good governance between countries.


Author(s):  
Anthony Carty

The view that no form of international law existed in seventeenth-century France, and that this time was a part of ‘prehistory’, and thus irrelevant for international legal thought today is challenged. In addition, the traditional claim of Richelieu to be an admirer of Machiavelli and his Ragion di Stato doctrine to the detriment of the aim of concluding treaties and keeping them (as sacred), is refuted by careful historical research. In Richelieu’s thinking, there is a role for law to play but it is law as justice, law in the classical natural law tradition. Those who rule are subject to the rule of law as justice, the rule of God, or the rule of reason. In Richelieu’s world, kings and ministers are rational instruments of the practical implementation of God’s will on earth.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Andraž Teršek

Abstract The central objective of the post-socialist European countries which are also Member States of the EU and Council of Europe, as proclaimed and enshrined in their constitutions before their official independence, is the establishment of a democracy based on the rule of law and effective legal protection of fundamental human rights and freedoms. In this article the author explains what, in his opinion, is the main problem and why these goals are still not sufficiently achieved: the ruthless simplification of the understanding of the social function and functioning of constitutional courts, which is narrow, rigid and holistically focused primarily or exclusively on the question of whether the judges of these courts are “left or right” in purely daily-political sense, and consequently, whether constitutional court decisions are taken (described, understood) as either “left or right” in purely and shallow daily-party-political sense/manner. With nothing else between and no other foundation. The author describes such rhetoric, this kind of superficial labeling/marking, such an approach towards constitutional law-making as a matter of unbearable and unthinking simplicity, and introduces the term A Populist Monster. The reasons that have led to the problem of this kind of populism and its devastating effects on the quality and development of constitutional democracy and the rule of law are analyzed clearly and critically.


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