FROM CRIMEA TO THE CARPATHIANS: FOREIGN SOURCES ON BATU’S MILITARY OPERATIONS IN 1238–1241 ON THE WEST OF THE CUMAN STEPPE

Rusin ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 67-79
Author(s):  
Fedor Veselov ◽  
1923 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Mitchell Ramsay

In a footnote in J.H.S. 1918, p. 144, I stated the view that the battle (319 B.C.) in which Antigonus defeated Alketas and the associated generals took place in the αὐλὼν which leads from the N.E. corner of the Limnai towards Pisidian Antioch, carrying the southern or Pisidian road across Asia Minor eastward. This important route, regarded as a highway from the west coast to the Cilician Gates, is a recent discovery, though parts of it have been often described and traversed. In J.H.S. 1920, p. 89 f., I have argued that it was the road by which Xerxes' great army marched from Kritalla to Kelainai.There are two authorities on whom we depend for details of the battle of 319 B.C., Polyaenus Strat. 4, 6, 7 and Diodorus 18, 44; but both of these gather all their information from that excellent military writer Hieronymus of Cardia, the friend and historian of Eumenes. Polyaenus tells the story with soldierly brevity, relating only the chief military features: Diodorus diffusely and at great length; but so that we can recognise Hieronymus behind and beneath, and restore the full account as given by that writer.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 276-293
Author(s):  
Piotr Sykut

The article presents the attempts of Polish coast defenders’ to get through to neutral countries by sea during military operations in September and October 1939. These efforts were made in spite of the German blockade of Polish coast by Kriegsmarine ships and Luftwaffe planes. This subject hasn’t been widely featured yet using the reports of coast defenders kept in Polish and foreign archives. The goal of this article is the systematization of knowledge about these facts, presentation of characters of sailors, soldiers and civilians, who didn’t want to go into captivity. Some of them were going to continue their struggle in Polish Armed Forces in the West.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 744-760
Author(s):  
Tabish Shah

This paper argues that ethno-nationalist models of state organization encourage and strengthen sectarianism by accentuating differences between respective majority populations and those with non-majority characteristics as problematic, and identifies and explains the impacts of this for intra-state security in the West and for building partnerships with non-Western populations, citing negative implications on how we understand political behavior and for influence in military operations. The paper uses nineteenth-century Russian identity as a case study, considers the conflation between modernization and Westernization occuring at the time and uses Russian Art of the period as an analytical tool to uncover nuances that are relevant to debates concerning security, identity, and political behavior.


Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

Chapter 5 presents the primary societal changes in Israel in recent decades and their ramifications for its national security. The motivation to serve and bear the defense burden, national security consensus, and societal resilience remain strong. Conversely, Israel has become two societies, one at the forefront of international technology; the other, largely the ultra-orthodox and Arab populations, lags behind and may cause an economic crisis. Deep divisions over the West Bank, the one major exception to the national security consensus, and fundamental cleavages over domestic issues erode Israel’s societal strength. Public, media, judicial, and market considerations increasingly constrain national security decision-making, as does the institutionalization of casualty aversion into the process. When an effective case is made, however, Israeli society remains highly supportive of military operations. Israeli politics have been stalemated over the West Bank issue for decades, and Israel has been unable to chart a clear national course.


Slavic Review ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-357
Author(s):  
Holger H. Herwig

The Bolshevik Revolution in November 1917 offered Germany the first serious prospect of ending the two-front war dilemma. General Erich Ludendorff, anticipating resultant cessation of major military operations in the East, decided to seek a military victory in the West. But the ensuing peace negotiations with the Bolsheviks at Brest-Litovsk revealed basic policy differences within the German camp. Richard Kühlmann, state secretary of the Foreign Office, felt that the Bolshevik victory had sufficiently crippled Russia's armed might and had thereby eased the military burden in the East. Kühlmann as well as his successor, Admiral Paul von Hintze, successfully opposed all proposals to oust the Bolsheviks. Because they both believed that Bolshevik rule would assure long-term chaos in Russia, they sought a compromise peace in the East. The Foreign Office, through the first German ambassadors to Moscow, Count Wilhelm von Mirbach-Harff and Karl Helfferich, even extended financial aid to the Bolsheviks in order to keep them out of the Entente camp. In short, Germany's diplomats possessed a clear conception of their policies regarding the Bolsheviks and were consistent in them, desiring no armed conflict in the East but rather a concentration of military might in the West. The Army Supreme Command, and especially Ludendorff, rejected any compromise formula in the East, despite the decision of November 1917 to seek a military victory in the West. Ludendorff sought to end the war with either victory or defeat. Nonetheless, in the summer of 1918 he proved willing temporarily to accept the plan of the Foreign Office to cooperate with the Bolsheviks and “use” them to attain German goals, a decision that paralleled his original agreement in April 1917 to transport the Bolshevik leaders in Switzerland to Russia.


Significance As Russia expands military operations in Syria and escalates the crisis with Turkey, it has also bolstered its forces at its base in Armenia, the sole Russian military facility in the South Caucasus. The expanded Russian force in Armenia not only enhances its operational capabilities, but also endangers an already delicate regional balance of power in the region. It can be seen as a response both to the shooting down of a Russian military warplane by Turkey in November, and to two separate incursions into Armenian airspace by Turkish army helicopters in early October. Impacts Neighbouring Turkey will see the expansion of Russian forces in Armenia as a provocative move, aimed against both Turkey and NATO. Azerbaijan may expand its own operations, amid a wider escalation of hostilities over Nagorno-Karabakh. By being drawn into supporting Russia's Syrian operations, Armenia's relations with the West become more complicated.


Author(s):  
V. M. Morozov ◽  
A. A. Ermakov

Nowadays the Gaza Strip radical movement HAMAS is the most dangerous opponent for the State of Israel in the Palestinian arena. In recent years most attention of the world community has been focused on the events in the Gaza Strip. This attention is caused by the dynamics of standoff and the scale of events occurred. During the period after authority setting in the Palestinian enclave by HAMAS movement Israel carried out a series of large-scale military operations. These were «Cast Lead», «Pillar of Defense» and «Protective Edge». However for better understanding of dynamics of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians it is necessary to pay equal attention to confrontation both in the Gaza Strip and West Bank. In the article the authors study the events of June 2014 that were a part of the permanent standoff in the West Bank. In June 2014 after abduction of the three teenagers by radicals Israel carried out the operation «Brother's Keeper» which preceded the large-scale operation «Protective Edge». The actions of Israelis aimed at weakening the infrastructure of HAMAS. During the operation in the West Bank Israel used considerable forces. Israelis caused a painful blow to HAMAS. The results of the operation «Brother's Keeper» suggested that the radicals of the West Bank may get developed underground infrastructure and developed infrastructure for production of rockets. The events of summer 2014 in zone of the Palestinian- Israeli conflict showed that escalation may spread from one part of the Palestinian land to another.


Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

Chapter 4 argues that diplomatic and demographic challenges are almost as dangerous to Israel’s future as military threats. Efforts to isolate and delegitimize Israel and constrain its freedom of military action have had mixed success. Israel has broader ties than ever, sanctions and boycotts have achieved little, and it continues to act militarily. Nevertheless, Israel’s international standing has deteriorated severely, and the nature and outcome of military operations have been affected. No issue has undermined Israel’s standing more than the settlement policy. Inexorable demographic trends, stemming from the control of the West Bank, threaten Israel’s Jewish and democratic character. Already today only a small majority of Israel and the West Bank are Jewish. Ongoing settlement undermines the viability of the “two-state solution” and the point of no return may be nearing. Demography also explains Israel’s reluctance to conduct ground maneuver, undermining its ability to achieve military decision.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-232
Author(s):  
Suresh Ranjan Basak

Draupadi, the classical heroine of the Mahabharata, in an unavoidable way, forms the praxis of reference, comparison, and contrast with Mahasweta Devi’s tribal heroine Draupadi. As part of the collective mytho-cultural memory, the ancient lady invokes a process of analogy, and “deconstruction,” to use Spivak’s phrase, as does Mahasweta Devi’s  Santal  Draupadi against the backdrop of the West Bengal government’s anti-Naxalite campaigns and military operations in the late 1960s and early 1970s (383).  This article will initially examine the comparative and contrastive aspects of the two Drapaudis, then attend to Spivak’s notion of complementariness of the latter Draupadi—her being “at once a palimpsest and a contradiction” (388). Finally, it will reach the conclusion that Veda Vaysa’s Draupadi remains a canon like the epic itself while Mahasweta Devi’s unorthodox Draupadi, despite growing under the overpowering shadow of the earlier, canonizes herself in a prototypal way simultaneously recognizing her classical namesake.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document