scholarly journals The Future We Want - Zero Draft of the Outcome Document

10.17345/1232 ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bureau of the Preparatory Process for The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development

Submitted by the co-Chairs on behalf of the Bureau in accordance with the decision in Prepcom 2 to present the zero-draft of the outcome document for consideration by Member States and other stakeholders no later than early January 2012.

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bureau of the Preparatory Process for The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development

Submitted by the co-Chairs on behalf of the Bureau in accordance with the decision in Prepcom 2 to present the zero-draft of the outcome document for consideration by Member States and other stakeholders no later than early January 2012.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
János Sáringer

Abstract My dissertation is based on more than ten years of archival research. One of the goals of Antall’s foreign policy was the Euro-Atlantic integration. In December 1991, Hungary signed an association agreement with the European Community. By 1992, opinions on the future were divided between and within the Member States of the European Communities. There was a debate among the twelve about the concept of ‘deepening’ or ‘widening’, and the term ‘multi-speed Europe’ appeared. At this time, a number of questions arose about the full membership of the Trio in NATO, of which ‘how’ and ‘when’ came first. It has also been suggested whether it would be more appropriate to intensify economic and political cooperation rather than military ones. Perhaps the NACC should be thoroughly expanded first and then move on to expanding the range of full member states?


Nuclear Law ◽  
2022 ◽  
pp. 223-247
Author(s):  
Trevor Findlay

AbstractSafeguards have evolved as a result of new circumstances, institutions, technologies and practices, including cultural phenomena. This chapter examines safeguards from a historical perspective as the product of a political process that resulted in the negotiation of safeguards instruments. In particular, the chapter addresses the IAEA safeguards from the perspective that adaptation of the legal framework for safeguards is necessary and often difficult. Major change will only occur through a political process, not a legal one, involving Member States of the IAEA. The change will be facilitated through the IAEA Secretariat’s role in strengthening safeguards implementation using the power and responsibilities afforded to it; the advancement of technology and techniques as a vital element of this process; and the non-technological aspects of safeguards, particularly the human element.


Author(s):  
Ronny Patz ◽  
Klaus H. Goetz

Chapter 10 is an outlook to the ongoing reform of United Nations budgeting introduced by the new Secretary General António Guterres, in light of the theoretical and conceptual discussions as well as the empirical findings presented throughout the book. It shows how the theoretical dynamics and main topics identified throughout this book, and in particular in Chapter 5, affect reform discussions and reform dynamics. Whereas some reform is taking place, principal and agency complexity prevent a major overhaul of the system as the fragmentation of the UN system is hard to overcome, and because key member states or groups of member states are bound to lose influence, even if only over a few elements of micromanagement that have become part of the pathological budgeting dynamics in New York—a pathology that is much less driven by IO bureaucracy and much more by states and their complex, historically shaped interests.


Author(s):  
Federico Fabbrini

This chapter analyses the European Union during Brexit, explaining how the EU institutions and Member States reacted to the UK’s decision to leave the EU. It outlines how they went about this in the course of the withdrawal negotiations. The EU institutions and Member States managed to adopt a very united stance vis-à-vis a withdrawing state, establishing effective institutional mechanisms and succeeding in imposing their strategic preferences in the negotiations with the UK. Nevertheless, the EU was also absorbed during Brexit by internal preparations to face both the scenario of a ‘hard Brexit’—the UK leaving the EU with no deal—and of a ‘no Brexit’—with the UK subsequently delaying exit and extending its EU membership. Finally, during Brexit the EU increasingly started working as a union of 27 Member States—the EU27—which in this format opened a debate on the future of Europe and developed new policy initiatives, especially in the field of defence and military cooperation.


Author(s):  
Ulrich Sedelmeier ◽  
Graham Avery

The EU has expanded many times and many countries still aspire to join. It has extended the prospect of membership to countries in the Balkans and Turkey and has developed a ‘neighbourhood’ policy towards other countries, some of which may want to join in the future. Enlargement illustrates the success of the European model of integration. It has also provided the EU with a powerful tool to influence domestic politics in would-be members. But enlargement also poses fundamental challenges. It has implications both for how the EU works (its structure and institutions) and for what it does (its policies). The chapter first compares ‘widening’ and ‘deepening’ before discussing enlargement as soft power. It then explains how the EU has expanded and why countries want to join. It also looks at prospective member states: the Balkan countries, Turkey, Norway, Switzerland, and Iceland. Finally, it examines the European Neighbourhood Policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mathew Davies

ASEAN's engagement with human rights culminated in the creation of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration in 2012. The Declaration is fascinating in three ways: Its institutional origins are surprising, it was agreed upon by states with very different positions on the role of human rights domestically, and it both contains commitments far in advance of some members and is at the same time dangerously regressive. The three leading frameworks that currently interrogate the Declaration fail to provide convincing insights into all three of those dimensions. To correct these shortcomings, this article applies the notion of an “incompletely theorized agreement” to the study of the Declaration, arguing that member states understand the Declaration in very different ways and agreed to it for similarly diverse reasons. Further, I argue that the Declaration neither articulates a shared regional identity relating to respect for human rights, nor can it be understood as marking an early point towards the creation of this identity. Instead, the current diversity of regional opinions on human rights and democracy is perceived as legitimate and will endure. The article concludes by considering whether this denudes the Declaration of value, arguing that its importance will vary: The more progressive the member state, the more important the Declaration will be in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-154
Author(s):  
Ines Kersan-Škabić

The heterogeneity of economic performances in the EU member states is one of the main reasons for the existence of a “core-periphery” relationship. The goal of this research is to examine various economic indicators to reveal possible divisions between the EU members. This issue emphasized the contribution of rich “core” countries to the imbalances in poorer “peripheral” EU members. By applying cluster methodology and considering the most recent data, two groups of countries were identified, the first comprising 11 countries that form the “centre” or the “core”, and the rest of the EU forming the “periphery”. Considering differences between these countries is necessary and justified for discussions about the future development of the EU that will involve differences between member states.


2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mira Celin

It is not easy to gauge the extent to which the European Employment Strategy (EES) has influenced the EU labour market over the last five years but it has surely contributed to the creation of more than 10 million new jobs and 4 million fewer unemployed. However, is this common strategy the right answer for the labour markets of the future member states? This article examines how the candidate countries are adapting to the EES and where they stand as compared to the current EU countries in achieving the Lisbon targets. The article assesses whether the EES is appropriate for the labour markets of the future member states by analysing both the deficiencies and the positive elements of this strategy for these countries, taking into account proposals for a new revised EES adapted to the needs of changing labour markets, globalisation and enlargement.


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