scholarly journals The Derivation of Verb-copying Sentence in Mandarin Chinese

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 453
Author(s):  
Haojie Li
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Structural Hierarchy ◽  
Syntactic Feature

The verb-copying sentence is a special sentence in Chinese and has received extensive attention from the academic circles. Under the framework of Distributed Morphology and MP, the article makes a modified adjustment to the structure derived by phase from the narrow syntax through the post-syntactic “Feature Copying” operation, which is simply the ornamental adjustment to the resulting syntactic structure, to better explain the verb-copying sentence. This analysis does not require a specific syntactic structural hierarchy and is more natural in theory. It is also consistent with mainstream ideas such as lexical array and derivation by phase under the framework of MP.

Roots, their structure and consequences for derivational timing

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-387
Author(s):  
Ivona Kučerová ◽  
Adam Szczegielniak
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Recent Work ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Precise Nature ◽  
Methodological Question ◽  
Syntactic Feature ◽  
Syntactic Features

Abstract Recent work in Distributed Morphology, most prominently Harley (2014), argues for roots being able to take syntactic complements, which opens the door for the possibility of having syntactic features within a root’s representation – something most DM literature rejects (Embick 2015). Upon a closer inspection of the arguments presented in the literature, it is not clear whether the disagreement has an empirical underpinning, or whether it stems from the lack of methodological clarity as far as the identification of the precise nature of what constitutes a syntactic feature. This paper takes this methodological question seriously and investigates a type of derivational behavior that, in our view, provides a decisive argument for the presence of syntactic features on roots. We argue that the presence of a syntactic feature on the root can be conclusively established based on a feature’s impact on specific properties within a larger syntactic structure. Based on empirical evidence form gender agreement phenomena, we introduce a model of grammar that distinguishes roots with syntactic features from those which do not have them. We propose that such a distinction between roots will manifest itself in the timing of root insertion – roots without syntactic features are late inserted, while roots with syntactic features must be early inserted.

“Subject-predicate predicate sentences” in modern Mandarin Chinese: A Cardiff Grammar approach

Linguistics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wei He
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Contextual Factors ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Syntactic Structures

AbstractThis study investigates “subject-predicate predicate sentences” (“S-P P sentences”) in modern Mandarin Chinese from a Cardiff Grammar approach with the aim of answering three main questions: (i) What is/are the functional syntactic structure(s) of the sentences to be considered in the study? (ii) What is/are the semantic motivation(s) for the structure(s)? (iii) What is/are the contextual constraints on the structure(s)? The study is guided by three basic principles: (a) language is multifunctional; (b) meaning is primary while form is the realization of meaning; and (c) different strands of meaning are realized by a single syntactic structure. Further, the study utilizes the concepts of Theme and Subject within the Cardiff Grammar in order to analyze and discuss the generally acknowledged seven types of “S-P P sentences”. The results show that only one type is truly S-P P and another type only in one sense, whereas no other types can be categorized as such. All the syntactic structures are conditioned by a different set of distinctive semantic features and contextual factors.

A morphosyntactic analysis of nominal expressive suffixes in Russian and Greek

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Steriopolo ◽  
Giorgos Markopoulos ◽  
Vassilios Spyropoulos
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Semantic Level ◽  
Expressive Meaning ◽  
Morphosyntactic Analysis

Abstract This work investigates and compares nominal expressive suffixes in Russian and Greek within the framework of Distributed Morphology. It shows that, although the suffixes under investigation share the same expressive meaning, they differ significantly in their syntactic structure, namely in the manner and place of attachment in the syntactic tree. More specifically, in both languages expressive suffixes can attach either as heads or as modifiers and, furthermore, they may occupy various syntactic positions. This illustrates that, despite their uniformity at semantic level, expressive suffixes exhibit variation with respect to their syntactic structuring both within and across languages.

Case Variation in Eastern Polynesian Spatial PPs

2020 ◽  
pp. 56-83
Author(s):  
David J. Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Morphological Feature ◽  
Feature Matching ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Common Pattern ◽  
Spatial Prepositions ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
The Cross ◽  
Genitive Case

This chapter examines variation in terms of case marking within complex spatial prepositions in Hawaiian and Māori. A dialect difference is proposed such that post-revitalization Māori patterns with Hawaiian in the realization of genitive case within spatial prepositions (the cross-linguistically more common pattern), to the exclusion of pre-revitalization Māori. Working within a model in which genitive case within spatial prepositions follows from syntactic structure, the unexpected non-genitive marking in pre-revitalization Māori is linked to the grammar of possession in that language, as contrasted with Hawaiian and post-revitalization Māori. The specific case marking variation is modeled in terms of morphological feature matching in a Distributed Morphology framework. Therefore, independent properties of the grammar of possession accounts for the observed micro-variation.

Korean causal markers ‑ese and ‑nikka in clause-initial and final positions in relation to the sequence of Mandarin Chinese yinwei

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-689
Author(s):  
Eunson Yoo
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Logical Reasoning ◽  
Strong Sense ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Behavioral Patterns ◽  
Sequential Logic ◽  
Chinese Texts

Abstract Korean causal markers ‑ese, ‑nikka and Mandarin Chinese yinwei are used most widely in their respective languages to denote causality. Due to the syntactic structure of the adjunct-preceding-main order in both languages, ‑ese and ‑nikka are considered to be clause-initial connectives. However, in both languages, because-clauses also occur frequently in final position. By examining the behavioral patterns of ‑ese and ‑nikka in clause-initial and -final positions in relation to the sequence of yinwei through the original Korean texts translated to Mandarin Chinese and the Korean texts translated from the original Mandarin Chinese texts, this paper aims to show: (1) ese-tokens correspond more to the preposed yinwei and other Mandarin Chinese result causal markers that strengthen the “cause-consequence” construction, as ‑ese mainly expresses forward logical reasoning, whereas nikka-tokens correspond more to the postposed yinwei, as ‑nikka expresses epistemic inference and elaboration; (2) these logical relations are more explicitly expressed by ‑ese and ‑nikka, whereas Mandarin Chinese relies more on zero-marking when expressing a strong sense of sequential logic or an utterance of elaboration.

ɸ-Features at the Syntax-Semantics Interface: Evidence from Nominal Inflection

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-845 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivona Kučerová
Keyword(s):  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Syntactic Feature ◽  
Morphology Model ◽  
Nominal Inflection ◽  
Feature Values ◽  
Novel Model

I argue for a novel model of feature valuation in the CI interface and explore under what circumstances a syntactic feature is semantically interpretable. As the groundwork for the investigation, I propose an explicit Distributed Morphology model of Italian nouns of profession. The data provide evidence that the morphology accesses the narrow-syntax representation at two different temporal points within a phase: the earlier point (Spell-Out) returns a morphological realization faithful to feature values present in narrow syntax, while the later point (Transfer) allows for a narrow-syntax representation to be enriched by the CI component. Thus, there is no syntactic distinction between interpretable and uninterpretable features: a syntactic feature appears to be interpretable only if it has been licensed by the CI interface.

scholarly journals Heads and layers in agglutination: A case in deadjectival psych verbs with -garu in Japanese

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-65
Author(s):  
Takashi Nakajima
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Semantic Features ◽  
Computational System ◽  
Complex Predicate ◽  
Psych Verbs ◽  
Sensory Motor ◽  
General Architecture

Abstract Using deadjectival psych verbs with -garu in Japanese, this study shows that agglutinative complex predicate formation is done by recursive application of Merge to roots and functional heads. This process creates a layered syntactic structure, with each layer providing the computational system with (i) specific semantic features, (ii) arguments, and (iii) phonetic form (PF) exponents at conceptual–intentional (CI)/sensory motor (SM) Interfaces. The whole amalgam of the root and the functional heads is interpreted as a “word” at PF. Following the general architecture of Distributed Morphology, I will show that the morpheme that derives deadjectival verbs -garu is underlyingly -k-ar-u (k-Copula-T), where k is “little” v that originates in the verbal root k-o “come” and ar- is a copula. They are now grammaticalized functional heads that extend adjectival roots. Crucially, this k is homophonous with “little” a, which makes -garu and the adjective-deriving morpheme -karu (k-Copula-T) parallel. k is voiced in -garu due to a structurally conditioned assimilation rule (Embick 2013). This analysis reveals the mechanisms of agglutinative predicate formation in a precise and detailed manner. Similarly, it gives natural solutions to some of the long-standing problems including how adjectives modify N such as utukusii dansaa “beautiful dancer,” which is ambiguous between attributive modification and a relative clause.

scholarly journals The Syntax of Yes/No Questions in Modern Standard Arabic

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Haroon Nasser Alsager
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Modern Standard Arabic ◽  
Standard Arabic ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Embedded Clauses ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Modern Standard

Interrogative structures have been investigated in wide range of languages including but not limited to English, Italian, French, and Mandarin Chinese. Thus, this paper presents an analysis of the syntactic structure of yes/no questions based on feature-checking analysis (i.e., [Q], phi-features, [T], [Polarity], and EPP). First, I briefly discuss the feature-checking analysis in the declarative clauses in Modern Standard Arabic. Then, I analyze the interrogative structure in main clauses (hal, ʔa-) and in embedded clauses (idhaa) in MSA. Finally, this paper displays and discusses the findings showing that there are three types of feature-checking in yes/no particles in Modern Standard Arabic.

Stress-by-Structure in Spanish

2005 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Oltra-Massuet ◽  
Karlos Arregi
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Syntactic Approach ◽  
Stress Placement

In this article, we argue for a syntactic approach to the computation of stress in Spanish. Our basic claim is that stress placement in this language makes crucial reference to the internal syntactic structure of words. In particular, we propose that foot boundaries are projected from certain functional heads. The analysis is set within the framework of Distributed Morphology and uses the formalism of the bracketed grid for the representation of stress. Several hypotheses concerning the syntax of words are argued to be necessary in gaining a better understanding of stress placement in Spanish.

scholarly journals A novel argument for PF operations: STAMP morphs in Gã

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 844
Author(s):  
Lydia Felice
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Distributed Morphology

A key question facing piece-based syntactic morphological frameworks is whether morphophonological structure may be read directly from syntactic structure, as in Spanning, or if postsyntactic operations mediate this relationship, as in Distributed Morphology. Additionally, it is necessary to determine whether linear order is relevant for determining locality. This paper brings new data from STAMP portmanteaux in Gã (Kwa, Ghana) to bear on this question. I demonstrate that STAMP portmanteaux are composed of terminal nodes which do not form a syntactic constituent, and thus are incompatible with syntax-only morphological frameworks like Spanning. PF operations which are sensitive to linear locality, like Fusion in DM, are necessary to generate the portmanteaux. Instrumental adjuncts are additionally demonstrated to block portmanteaux formation, confirming that linear locality is crucial for calculating portmanteaux. Gã STAMP portmanteaux thus provide empirical support for PF operations that are sensitive to linear locality.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document