scholarly journals The Eastern Slavic Population of Central Asia After the Collapse of the USSR: Ethno-Demographic Processes

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-122
Author(s):  
A. V. Shustov

By the end of the Soviet period, Eastern Slavs (Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians) made up over one fifth of the population of Central Asia. In the USSR, Eastern Slavs were the leading ethnic group, playing the key role in the multinational state. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Eastern Slavs, in essence, became an ethnic minority. The new ethno-political situation had a negative impact on their natural increase, which dropped below simple reproduction level, whereas emigration from Central Asia showed an abrupt rise. As a result, the absolute number of Eastern Slavs decreased twofold, and their relative number nearly threefold. Before the collapse of the USSR, their share in this region was 1/4 to 1/5; by the mid-2010s it dropped to 1/12 to 1/13. In Kazakhstan, the decrease was much slower than in other Central Asian republics, so Kazakhstan has become the place where three quarters of Central Asian Eastern Slavs concentrate. This republic therefore has a good chance to remain the most “Slavic” in the region, whereas in other republics of Central Asia the future preservation of the Slavic population is problematic.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.


1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-575
Author(s):  
Farkhad S. Juraev

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of new independentstates has generated great interest among scholars and politiciansin the history and contemporary situation in the region. CentralAsia is not an exception to this case. Viewed in this light, Central Asia: The Rediscovery of History is a welcome contribution towardintroducing the western scholarly community to the politics of CentralAsia.The book is composed of a number of articles published by Turkiclanguage specialists from 1904 to 1990, and of official documents fromCentral Asia and Azerbaijan. The integration processes of the Turkicpeoples, which began during the Soviet period, are now in full force. In1990, the heads of the Central Asian republics signed a treaty for economicand cultural cooperation. The treaty was also signed by Tajikistan,the only representative of the Indo-European family in CentralAsia. The integration envisioned a united economic space betweenKazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgystan. In the 1992 and 1994 summitsheld in Ankara and Istanbul, Turkey and five newly independent Turkicstates confirmed their desire to cooperate in the economic and politicalarenas. Therefore, attention to Central Asian problems and the publicationof several scholarly works from this region are symbolic, to someextent, of the attention being paid to the significance of a commonTurkic tradition and the possibilities of a meaningful integration in the“Great Turan.”The book begins with Ayaz Malikov’s “The Question of the Turk:The Way out of the Crisis.” This chapter actually sets the tone for thewhole book by making a case for the need to attract the attention ofscholarly and political circles from around the world to the problems ofthe Turkic nations and their suffering under Soviet rule. His statementthat “our peoples do not have their own history” seems to be true, forall of the nations (not only the Turkic ones) in the former Soviet Unionhad to study mainly the history of the Russian state at the expense ofdeveloping their own historical consciousness. No doubt the author isright in his claims about Soviet violations of the rights of Turkic communitiesin Russia, especially the right to study in their own languagesat schools and universities and even the right to listen to programsbroadcast by western radio stations in their native languages. Arguingthat the political history of the Turkic nations extends backwards formore than two thousand years (p. 4), Malikov calls for the right ofTurkic peoples to seek unification without fear of being charged withadvocating “Pan-Turkism” (p. 6). The author appeals for the formationof a terminological commission that will be entrusted with seeking theunification of the Turkic language.All of the other chapters-Muhammad Ali’s “Let Us Learn about OurHeritage: Get to Know Yourself,” Zeki Togan’s “The Origins of theKazakhs and Ozbeks,” and Kahar Barat’s “Discovery of History: TheBurial Site of Kashgarli Mahmud”-are attempts to prove the Turkic originsof Central Asia since antiquity. Ali’s attempt to connect the term“Turan” with the ethnic term “Turkic” by referring to the Shah-ndma ofAbul Qasem Firdousi is quite novel, if not eccentric, as is his attributionof the Iranian language’s dominance in Central Asia as being the result ...


Author(s):  
Bayram Balci

Arabian Peninsula and Arab countries have always been linked to Muslims of Central Asia and the Caucasus. However, because of the Russian and Soviet parenthesis, the Islamic connections between these regions weakened. With the end of the Soviet Union, an Islamic cooperation started and took mainly two channels: pilgrimages (hajj) and diaspora. Although it was de facto impossible during the Soviet period, hajj has become a very important Islamic point of contact between Saudi Arabia and the post-Soviet sphere, contributing to the development of Salafism in the region. Meanwhile, Uzbek and Uighurs, the two Central Asian diasporic communities present in Saudi Arabia for several decades, have also contributed to the development of Islamic cooperation between the Arabian Peninsula and the new post-Soviet Republics.


Author(s):  
M. T. Laumulin

The features of formation of statehood in Central Asia in the post-Soviet period are discussed in this article. The author makes the assumption that the Central Asian region has lost the homogeneity, said by researches. The way of construction of nation-states after the collapse of the Soviet Union is traced in this article. Also, it tells about the role of clans and family relations in Central Asia. 


Author(s):  
Atola Longkumer

Of the two Asian regions, socio-economically, South Asia presents both prosperity and abject poverty, embedded in varying traditions. Central Asian states are well-endowed with natural resources and sustain a diverse cultural heritage against a backdrop of Islam. The indigenous shamanic cultures that have sustained myriad indigenous people (often described by terms such as tribals, Adivasis, minorities) for generations across South Asia need to be recognised along with its globalisation. Healing, use of traditional medicines, the position and role of women, caste hierarchy and the relationship with the other are incorporated into South Asian Christianity. ‘Anonymous Christians’ have also contributed to concepts such as ‘insider movements’ to discuss embedded followers of Jesus. In Central Asia, Charismatic Christianity is finding particular resonance. The relative freedom of religious expression has given opportunities for Christians to witness to the gospel. The potential ecumenical relationship with the existing Orthodox Church presents an opportunity for global Christianity. Christianity has received fresh interest in Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the nation-states of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Theological creativity along with prophetic proclamation will be needed to balance these challenges of culture and faith in the region.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iveta Silova

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asian education reform discourses have become increasingly similar to distinctive Western policy discourses traveling globally across national boundaries. Tracing the trajectory of ‘traveling policies' in Central Asia, this article discusses the way Western education discourses have been hybridized in the encounter with collectivist and centralist cultures within post-socialist environments in Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. In the context of international aid relationships, the article considers different motivations and driving forces for reforms, the way pre-Soviet and Soviet traditions are affirmed within the reforms, as well as how these reforms speak back to Western reform agenda. Emphasizing the historical legacy of Soviet centralist traditions, this article reveals how traveling policies have been ‘hijacked’ by local policy makers and used for their own purposes nationally.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 1708
Author(s):  
Malik Rsbaevich MUKANOV ◽  
Ernar Nurlanovich BEGALIEV

The article discusses the current state of the monetary – credit sphere in the former states of the Soviet Union. The authors note that, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to the defragmentation of the monetary system, is an important event in the formation of the financial sector in Central Asia. The single monetary and financial system, which was adapted to the conditions of the planned economy, had started rapidly falling apart. The result was a break of the traditionally existing economic ties. It is important to note that the monetary policy has a direct impact on the major macro-economic indicators such as GDP, employment and the level of prices. It is thus important to have a solid legal base. The accelerated formation of national monetary systems in Central Asian states has required the creation of genuinely independent emission center as the Central Banks of Central Asia. Since 1994, Central Asian governments have begun to carry out macroeconomic regulation, mutual settlement in the economy and emission activity. The next step was a reform of the banking system in Central Asia. At the beginning of the independence of the Central Asian states a legal framework was created and a transition was made to a two-tier banking system. According to the adopted laws in the countries of Central Asia, a two-tier banking system was formed, where the upper level was represented by the State Bank of the region (with emission rights), and the bottom were - commercial and government specialized. Creating second tier banks was a response to the needs of the Central Asian countries.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 802-804
Author(s):  
Nilgun Onder

Clan Politics and Regime Transition in Central Asia, Kathleen Collins, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 376.The long isolation of Central Asia finally ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Five new independent states emerged from the ashes of the Soviet Union, the very first time in history that the peoples of Central Asia gained their own independent states modelled on the modern state. This development caught the world, including Central Asians themselves, by surprise. It changed the geopolitics of the entire Eurasia. In the ensuing years, the Central Asian republics have undergone simultaneous multiple transformations: state building; political regime transformation; and transition from Soviet communism. Thus the new states in Central Asia have provided scholars with new cases of multiple economic and political transitions to study and compare. In recent years, there has been a significant proliferation of English-language publications on Central Asia. Kathleen Collin's book, a comparative historical study of political development in Central Asia, is a major contribution. While its focus is on Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, it often provides examples from the other two Central Asian republics, namely Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. It is thoroughly researched and rich in information and details. It also makes a significant contribution to the political science literature on democratization, regime transition and consolidation.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 291-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirzohid Rahimov

AbstractIn the twentieth century, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan passed through a complex historical period. They were originally founded as republics of the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s as a result of national and territorial state delimitation. The process of the creation of new national state formations began after the Soviet Union disintegrated and these republics achieved independence. At the same time, the region's nations are facing complex problems of transition and the creation of new societies. Nevertheless, these countries have to continue the process of political and economic reforms, as well as development of civic institutions. The Central Asian nations established contacts with foreign states and international organizations and started to form a system of interstate relations between the countries of the region. There are potentials for development of regional integration of Central Asia. Future integration will depend on the readiness of the nations to carry out political and economic reforms, introduce forms and methods of economic regulation compatible with global norms, and most important, international support of political reforms and regional integration.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-89
Author(s):  
M.E. Ahrari

The emergence of the five independent and predominantly Muslim statesKazakhstan,Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan. Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan-in theaftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union raises the issue of the role of Islamin their future development. Since Islam does not allow a separation of religionand politics, Islamic political panies have already been active, albeit with differentintensity, in these countries. None of these countries has had a history ofindependence; for a long time, they were colonized (their most recent history ofcolonization goes back to the 1860s. when the Russians began to conquer andcolonize the Central Asian villages) by czarist Russia, then from 1917 by thecommunist czars. Consequently, after independence their political elite (for themost part, former communists) remain substantially unfamiliar with the practiceof democratic governance. As such, even after changing the names of communistparties in their respective countries, they essentially practice authoritarianpolicies in which little or no political pluralism is tolerated. Therefore. anyevolution of democracy in these statei in the immediate or middle-range futureis unlikely. However. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are two exceptions to thisrule.Not coincidentally. both Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan top the list of ethnicallypluralist states, and their economies are doing well compared to their CentralAsian counterparts. However, this ethnic pluralism has not only polarized theirpopulations along indigenous and Russian lines but also keeps their leaders fromallowing any substantial role for lslamist parties. Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan,and Tajikistan have a lesser problem emanating from ethnic pluralism.However, the lion's share of these countries' problems stems from the acutelyauthoritarian nature of their leader hip, and, more imponant, their severe economicunderdevelopment. One has to keep these variables in mind as one readsMehrdad Haghayeghi's book, Islam and Politics in Central Asia.Describing the presence of Islam in Central Asia, The author states that "thesedentary populations of the oasis enclaves and the tribal populations of theSteppe and the surrounding regions" were differently influenced by Islam. Hegoes on to observe:The enormous size and remoteness oft.he Steppe, the lack of adequate military manpower.the political instability at the heart of the Arab empire, and the absence of ...


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