CENTRAL ASIA: THE BUMPY ROAD TOWARDS POLITICAL MATURITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.

Author(s):  
Nargiza Sakmurzaeva

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Central Asian countries have created and joined many regional economic organizations. The aim of this paper is to identify the efforts and obstacles of regional integration and cooperation in Central Asia against the international experience with regional integration in Europe. At present, the governments of Central Asian countries have still not realized the network's function and advantage of regional integration. Since 2000’s integration process in Central Asia conducted by Russia’s initiatives. So regional integration which could include only five Central Asian countries became unreal. This paper examines why today there is no Central Asian Union? In order to analyze the topic were used books written by Dadabayev, Karasar and Kushkumbaev, Dikkaya, papers by Zeyrek, Linn, Erol and Shahin. As the methods of analysis were used comparative method of analysis and historical analysis.


Author(s):  
Ediliia Abdykadyrova

It has been over 20 years since the Soviet Union collapsed. Despite that the post-Soviet countries were not able to build strong economic structure, which would be competitive in the international arena. They failed to implement the economic integration among themselves using communication that they had during the Soviet Union time. There have been various attempts to change the situation, but efforts were not successful due to various obstacles. Among these obstacles take place the influence of America, Russia and China, which are considered as great powers and which are pay great attention to Central Asia. This issue attracts attention due to the fact that the problems associated with the integration of the Central Asian countries still exists and that any integration process in the region does not achieve success without the involvement of other external forces. In this paper basic information about the integration processes between the Central Asian countries and their results will be analyzed. In addition, the attitudes of the Central Asian countries towards integration as well as economic and political influence of the great powers to the integration processes in the region will be examined.


Author(s):  
Anna Sergeevna Iuniushkina ◽  
Tat'yana Ivanovna Pon'ka ◽  
Kristina Alekseevna Shapovalova

This article explores the role of Central Asia in modern conditions, which significantly increases in geopolitical and geoeconomic aspect. Attention is given to the general security challenges of Central Asian countries, as this region requires the coordination of efforts of the leading global actors, as well as Central Asian countries themselves. Security issues associated with vulnerability of Central Asian countries to natural disasters and emergency situations that may occur as a result of territorial disputes, ethnic violence, drug trafficking, and terrorism prevention, fight against extremism underline the need for multilateral cooperation aimed at solution of general problems. The novelty of this research lies in the fact that after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which changed the world political map, the newly formed Central Asian countries gave acquired statehood on the international arena. Namely during this difficult period, the Central Asian countries were forced to choose their own development path. Russia and China, to certain extent, have confirmed their presence in the region by creating the economic and military integration institutions with participation of Central Asian countries. Therefore, the emphasis is placed on the analysis of interaction between China and Russia in the post-Soviet Central Asia, their role in ensuring regional stability and economic growth. The article also examines the importance of studying the role of the United States and the European Union in Central Asia.


Author(s):  
Abdullah Özdemir ◽  
Mehmet Mercan ◽  
Erkan Dendeş

The transition period from the socialist system to the capitalist system is used to describe economies in transition. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, with Central and Eastern European Countries, the Countries in Central Asia have entered into this process. Central Asian Countries haven’t entered into this process providently a lot in transitional stage. At the end of secession process from the Soviet Union, these countries had only limited industrial plants and natural resources. However, reserves of energy resources that these countries have in their economic growth have been a pusher factor. No doubt, increasing energy consumption has a significant effect in the development of the countries. The main purpose of this study is to test the existence of growth relation and energy consumptions in Central Asian Countries that live the transition period accordingly. This study investigates relationship between economic growth and energy consumption for Central Asian Countries over the period 1990-2010 by using panel data analysis. As a conclusion it is reached that there is a significant correlation between energy consumption and economic growth for these countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Roche

Since independence in 1991, Central Asian countries have put great effort into creating their respective national narratives, which are often based on an ethnic imagination. In Tajikistan this included the idea of shaping society via the family unit. Increasingly, motherhood became the focus of attention, which was made possible by merging two concepts. On the one hand, women are considered as “cultured” and educated people who the Soviet Union freed from “backward” traditions. On the other hand, traditions were reinvented such that the woman is considered the ultimate mother of the nation and the backbone of tradition. This article examines the changing status of motherhood in society and politics through efforts to create a sound family and a healthy nation.


Author(s):  
Viktor Fedorko

The structural and morphological restructuring of the transport-geographic systems of the countries of Central Asia has become a reflection of the radical transformation of the geopolitical space of the region in the post-Soviet era. From the very beginning of a new period of development in the countries of the region, the disintegration of a single (end-to-end) road transport framework that developed during the Soviet period was consistently taking place. This was due to the desire of the countries of the region to minimize their own transport dependence on neighbors, while simultaneously enhancing transport-logistics advantages to exert geopolitical pressure on neighboring states. Under the influence of the corresponding geostrategic landmarks, the countries of the region have consistently built a new configuration of transport-logistics systems during the post-Soviet period. The article examines the changes in the geography of the main road transport communications of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan that have occurred over the past three decades. It was revealed that the most morphologically transformed transport systems of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, characterized by relatively favorable geomorphological conditions for transport construction and more significant economic opportunities. In the predominantly mountainous terrain of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, which also have a significantly more modest investment potential, the transformation of the transport-geographic space has occurred to a less pronounced degree. Special attention is paid to the prospects for the reintegration of transport systems of the Central Asian countries, which emerged after 2016, in connection with the profound changes in Uzbekistan's foreign policy towards the border countries of Central Asia, initiated and consistently implemented by the new leadership of the republic, headed by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.


Author(s):  
Shalkar Adambekov ◽  
Sholpan Askarova ◽  
Sharon C. Welburn ◽  
Sharon L. Goughnour ◽  
Ayumi Konishi ◽  
...  

Introduction. Despite the significant number of research institutions and rich scientific heritage, published research from Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) is traditionally underrepresented in international scientific literature. The goal of this paper was to analyze publication patterns in Central Asian countries, and to explore the factors that contributed to the publication productivity in Kazakhstan.Methods. Publication  productivity was evaluated using data generated by the SCImago Journal & Country Rank over the period of 1996-2014 for all of the 15 former Soviet Union Republics for all subject categories. Country specific data, including total population, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, research and development (R&D) expenditure (% of GDP), number of reserchers (per million people), was abstracted from World Bank data. ANOVA and ANCOVA analyses compared the mean number of publications among Central Asian countries. Separate analyses was done for publication patterns in the health sciences. Multiple comparisons were performed using Tukey methodResults. The analysis of publication productivity showed significant discrepancies in the number of published documents among the Central Asian countries. Kazakhstan demonstrated a significant increase in the number of published documents in the period of 1996-2014, mainly in the areas of natural and multidisciplinary sciences. Our analyses also showed that the number of publications are siginicantly associated with GDP and population size.Conclusions. We identified large gaps in publication productivity among the Central Asian countries. The association between publication rate with GDP and population size indicates there is a need to adjust for these factors when planning research policy. 


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