Violence, Nonviolence, and the Lessons of History: Project HIP-HOP Journeys South

1995 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Uhlar Murray ◽  
Marco Garrido

During the summers of 1993 and 1994, groups of young people from the Boston area took part in an innovative educational initiative known as Project HIP-HOP (Highways into the Part: History, Organizing and Power). These students made a five thousand mile journey south to visit key sites of the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, and to learn about the power of nonviolence from people who were teenagers or younger when they participated in the movement. this two-part manuscript is about that journey. The first part, by Nancy Uhlar Murray, the chief organizer of Project HIP-HOP, describes how the idea of a "civil rights tour," with participants going into schools after the trip to share their experiences with their peers, evolved from efforts to encourage young people to explore racism, a root cause of the violence engulfing so many of their lives. The project operates on the premise that a largely a historical outlook that focuses on violence as if it were unique to this generation of urban youth serves neither young people nor the country and its future. In the second part, seventeen-year-old Marco Garrido, a participant in the 1994 Project HIP-HOP tour, reflects on the lessons he learned from the trip. He writes vividly about his own efforts to understand the racism around him and of his encounters with the sties and the people of the civil rights movement.

Author(s):  
Alexander Joel Eastman

Dozens of newspapers written and edited by people of color flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century in Cuba. Through an analysis of black press periodicals representative of the main political tendencies between 1879 and 1886 this article examines the economic and socio-political contexts in which the black press operated and demonstrates how Cubans of color successfully carved out a space in the market of newspaper consumption. By examining the economic forces determining circulation and readership of these periodicals, it argues that black Cubans actively negotiated the public spheres of journalism and the marketplace, becoming empowered consumers and creators of information and economic value. This article foreground debates within the black press in order to analyze the history of the Cuban civil rights movement through the perspectives of people of color and to destabilize the notion of black political homogeneity. Black journalists and leaders with national and royalist affiliations vied for political positioning and debated over how to represent the people and the struggles of the raza de color.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacquelyn Dowd Hall ◽  
Eugene P. Walker ◽  
Katherine Mellen Charron ◽  
David P. Cline

Young ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Paula Guerra ◽  
Carles Feixa Pàmpols ◽  
Shane Blackman ◽  
Jeanette Ostegaard

In this special edition on popular music, we seek to explore Simon Frith’s (1978, The sociology of rock, London, UK: Constable, p. 39) argument that: ‘Music’s presence in youth culture is established but not its purpose’. ‘Songs that sing the crisis’ captures contemporary accounts, which build upon popular music’s legacy, courage and sheer determination to offer social and cultural critique of oppressive structures or political injustice as they are being lived by young people today. Young people have consistently delivered songs that have focused on struggles for social rights, civil rights, women’s rights and ethnic and sexual minorities rights through creative anger, emotion and resistance, and we know that music matters because we consciously feel the song (DeNora, 2000, Music in everyday life, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). However, in the aftermath of the post-2008 global economic and cultural crises, young people, in particular, have faced austerity, social hardship and political changes, which have impacted on their future lives (France, 2016, Understanding youth in the global economic crisis, Bristol: Policy Press; Kelly & Pike, 2017, Neo-liberalism and austerity: The moral economies of young people’s health and well-being, London, UK: Palgrave). This special issue assesses the key contestation where popular music is a mechanism to not only challenge but to think through ordinary people’s experience and appeals for social justice. The present introduction starts by presenting the historical and theoretical background of this research field. Then, it introduces the articles about the songs that sing the crisis in Portugal, Spain, Ireland, Finland, Norway, Egypt and Tunisia through the rhythms of rap, hip-hop, fado, electronic pop, indie rock, reggaeton, metal and mahragan.


Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina M. Rodríguez

In considering what it means to treat immigration as a “civil rights” matter, I identify two frameworks for analysis. The first, universalistic in nature, emanates from personhood and promises non-citizens the protection of generally applicable laws and an important set of constitutional rights. The second seeks full incorporation for non-citizens into “the people,” a composite that evolves over time through social contestation – a process that can entail enforcement of legal norms but that revolves primarily around political argument. This pursuit of full membership for non-citizens implicates a reciprocal relationship between them and the body politic, and the interests of the polity help determine the contours of non-citizens' membership. Each of these frameworks has been shaped by the legal and political legacies of the civil rights movement itself, but the second formulation reveals how the pursuit of immigrant incorporation cannot be fully explained as a modern-day version of the civil rights struggle.


Part 1 tells ten stories of young people who chose to be civil rights lawyers. Part 1 includes chapters 1, “Children of the South,” and chapter 2, “Children of the North.” Some of the lawyers were children of the South. All had grown up in a completely segregated society. For blacks, the opportunity to challenge the status quo they had always known contained a large measure of personal and cultural gratification and moral outrage. For whites, the evolution was one of a growing conviction of the immorality of the system that had nurtured them. Some of the lawyers were children of the North. Through a variety of experiences, they caught the fever of the civil rights movement in the Deep South and came south to help make changes. Some were Jews whose feelings were informed by the Holocaust. Some were blacks who had had a big enough taste of racism in the North to be lured into the rapidly changing South. For young lawyers from both the North and the South, their experience was materially impacted by their race


Author(s):  
Wesley C. Hogan

When it became clear that the civil rights movement had not quite managed to drag segregation behind the barn and shoot it to death, others stepped in and picked up the fight. SONG created some room to move in the vital crawl spaces across the South in the 1990s, modeling intersectional organizing that would come to full bloom in the 2010s. The Ella Baker Center in Oakland has spent the better part of three decades figuring out how to grow successive generations of youth organizers to redirect public monies toward education, not prison. Youth immigrant organizers have taught the nation to value family emancipation and reunification as an essential right. The Movement for Black Lives and youth water protectors at Standing Rock have shined a brilliant spotlight on the mounting reality of government and corporate authoritarianism—surveillance, beating, shooting, warrantless taps, repeat arrests, mass incarceration. All of these organizations have advanced visions for a just and open society, doing so where adult society has dismally failed. In each case, it has been young people, not corporations or established parties or law enforcement, who pushed the nation a step further toward its self-proclaimed ideal of “liberty and justice for all.”


Author(s):  
Sarah Sarzynski

While race was not used as an organizing tool in the Northeast, it was also not entirely absent. The Ligas drew transnational connections between the Northeast and the US Civil Rights movement and African independence movements, positioning the white ruling majority or European colonists as the enemy of the people. Slavery was a common metaphor used to debate the possibilities of Brazil forming a coalition with the Soviet Union or the United States. The historical legacy of slavery in Northeastern Brazil also factored into debates over competing projects for development in the Northeast. Filmmakers focused on rural afro-descendent populations and stories of quilombos (maroon societies), using realism to portray the Nordestino as African, savage, impoverished and determined to survive. These racialized narratives shaped the cultural and political struggles for change in the Northeast while also redefining what it meant to be Nordestino and a part of the Third World.


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