scholarly journals Nuevos textos literarios asturianos del XVII y un nuevo testimonio del entremés de L'Alcalde

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (17) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Juan C. Busto Cortina

A partir de la reciente publicación de dos ediciones de poesía asturiana del siglo XVII, se examinan y sistematizan algunas informaciones sobre los poetas que participaron en los certámenes poéticos de 1639, 1665 y 1666. Los treinta años que separan uno y otros certámenes, y el ámbito jesuita donde se desarrolla el primero, hizo que muy pocos de los poetas que intervinieron en el de 1639 participasen en los que tuvieron lugar en la segunda mitad de siglo, hasta hace poco los únicos conocidos. Se pone en relación este tipo de poesía celebrativa que se compone en asturiano con lo que se produce en otros lugares de España. En el ámbito universitario salmantino se acogen textos en sayagués y también se emplea el sayagués (junto con el asturiano) en el certamen ovetense de 1639, en lo que pudo tener que ver la procedencia salmantina de su compilador, el P. Andrés Mendo. Sin embargo, mientras el sayagués pierde importancia en su uso literario a lo largo del XVII (ello se ve claramente en los villancicos), el empleo de otras lenguas irá en cambio en aumento a partir de este siglo. Ello es manifiesto en Galicia, en Navarra y en Asturias, cuyas lenguas vernáculas tendrán cabida en diversos certámenes durante este periodo. Se destaca el interés de otra nueva celebración poética de la que no había noticia hasta ahora: la que tiene lugar con la llegada a Asturias del obispo Ambrosio Ignacio de Spínola. En este contexto surge el nombre de un poeta completamente ignorado: Juan García de Prada, que muestra seguir de cerca el magisterio de Marirreguera en el uso de la octava real y de otros recursos literarios. Se dedica una especial atención al surgimiento de los primeros testimonios literarios manuscritos en asturiano que deben ser datados en la segunda mitad del XVII. Asimismo, se examina el caso particular de alguna obra regueriana: el Romance a Santa Eulalia de Mérida y el entremés de El Alcalde. De este entremés se ofrece una versión inédita contenida en un manuscrito de la primera mitad del XVIII, primer testimonio manuscrito de una obra de Marirreguera. Este testimonio presenta algunos rasgos lingüísticos (el empleo del pronombre -ye en función de dativo) que también aparecen en los poemas de García de Prada de la segunda mitad del XVII.Palabras clave: poesía asturiana del XVII; poesía celebrativa; Juan García de Prada; Andrés Mendo; Marirreguera; historia de la lengua asturiana; teatro de ‘entremés’.From the recent publication of two editions of Asturian poetry of the 17th century, some information on the poets who participated in the poetic contests of 1639, 1665 and 1666 are examined and systematized. The thirty years that separate one and other contests, and the Jesuit area where the first one was developed, made that very few of the poets who intervened in the one of 1639 could do so in those that took place in the second half of the century, the only ones known till recent times. This type of celebratory poetry that is composed in Asturian relates with what is produced in other places of Spain. In the University of Salamanca, texts are given in Sayagués, and the Sayagués (together with the Asturian) is also used in the competition of Oviedo in 1639, with which the Salmantine origin of its compiler, Fr. Andrés Mendo, could have had somethings to do. However, while the Sayagués lost importance in its literary use throughout the seventeenth century (this is clearly seen in the villancicos), the use of other languages will gradually increase from this century on. This is evident in Galicia, Pamplona and Asturias whose vernacular languages will have room in various competitions during this period. The interest of another new poetic celebration of which unknown is highlights: the one that takes place with the arrival in Asturias of the bishop Ambrosio Ignacio de Spínola. In this context comes the name of a completely ignored poet: Juan García de Prada, who shows to follow closely the magisterium of Marirreguera in the use of the real octave and other literary resources. Particular attention is given to the emergence of the first literary manuscripts testimonies in Asturian that must be dated in the second half of the xvii. Also the particular case of some Marirreguera’s work is examined: the «Romance to Santa Eulalia of Mérida» and the «El Alcalde» entremés. From this entremés an unpublished version contained in a manuscript of the first half of the xviii, first manuscript testimony of a work of Marirreguera is offered. This testimony presents some linguistic features (the use of the pronoun -ye in function of dative) that also appear in the poems of García de Prada of the second half of the xvii.Keywords: Asturian poetry of the 17th century; celebratory poetry; Juan García de Prada; Andrés Mendo; Marirreguera; history of the Asturian language; theatrical ‘entremés’.

2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Terezinha Oliveira

The considerations on the book “VirtuosaBenfeitoria” aim atevaluating the relevance of a social project to guide the actions of the ruler and theindividuals, with a view to practical actions that converge to the common good. The infant D. Pedro, also known as the Duke of Coimbra, wrote the work. The central focus of the book is to address the sense of improvement and how the prince should practice and bestow it and how the subjects would receive and practice it. The arguments of D. Pedro to deal with the good and the society are strongly influenced by classical authorities and authors of scholasticism, especially Thomas Aquinas. In this sense, on the one hand our study seeks to show that such knowledge was essential for him to understand the plots that build human relationships, whose premises, to him, should be the ones leading society towards the common good;on the other hand, the goal is to analyze the work we regard as essential theoretical and methodological principles of history that allow us to recover, through memory, historical events that potentially guide us through paths that show the relevance of the Master of the University, as a vector in the organization of a given society. 


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-128
Author(s):  
Kamran Asghar Bokhari

Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of national­ism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime dis­cussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pes­simism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civiliza­tion and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Franz A. J. Szabo

In his great 1848 historical drama,Ein Bruderzwist im Hause Habsburg, the Austrian playwright Franz Grillparzer has Emperor Matthias utter the words that have often been applied to understanding the whole history of the Habsburg monarchy:Das ist der Fluch von unserm edeln Haus:Auf halben Wegen und zu halber TatMit halben Mitteln zauderhaft zu streben.[That is the curse of our noble house:Striving hesitatingly on half waysto half action with half means.]True as those sentiments may be of many periods in the history of the monarchy, the one period of which it cannotbe said is the second half of eighteenth century. The age of Maria Theresa, Joseph II, and Leopold II was perhaps the greatest era of consistent and committed reform in the four-hundred-year history of the monarchy. What I want to address in this article are some aspects of the dynamic of this reform era, and this falls into two categories. On the one hand, there is the broad energizing or motive force behind the larger development, and on the other, there are the ideas or assumptions that lay behind the policies adopted. As might be evident from the subtitle of my article, I propose to look primarily at the second of these categories. I do so because I think while Habsburg historiography has reached considerable consensus on the first, it has not looked enough on the second as an explanatory hermeneutic.


Author(s):  
Stephen A. Mrozowski

This chapter outlines some of the benefits of collaborative research. It draws on the experience gained and the lessons learned from close to a decade’s collaboration between the Fiske Center for Archaeological Research at the University of Massachusetts Boston and the Nipmuc Nation of Massachusetts. Close collaboration as part of the Hassanamesit Woods Project between Nipmuc archaeologist Dr. D. Rae Gould of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, a member of the Hassanamisco Nipmuc, and the author has resulted in numerous ontological shifts. One of the more noteworthy has been a reassessment of the history of the seventeenth-century “Praying Indian” communities of colonial Massachusetts and Connecticut that have always been viewed as having been “established” by English missionary John Eliot. Such a view, long held by historians and archaeologists alike, was challenged as an outgrowth of collaborative dialogue resulting in a reassessment of notions of community and deeper connections to traditional Nipmuc lands. As a result, research examined deeper connections between the seventeenth-century community of Hassanamesit and earlier Nipmuc use of the area. Through a series of analytical studies, it was determined that cultural and spatial continuity could be demonstrated between recent Nipmuc communities and a deeper past.


Author(s):  
Jerrold Winter

Albert Schweitzer called pain “a more terrible lord of mankind than even death.” Thus, it is not surprising that humans have from the earliest times attempted to identify plants which might provide pain relief. The Odyssey by Homer provides a mythic account of the use of one such agent. . . . Then Helen, daughter of Zeus, took other counsel. Straightaway she cast into the wine of which they were drinking a drug to quit all pain and strife, and bring forgetfulness of every ill. Whoso should drink this down, when it is mingled in the bowl, would not in the course of that day let a tear fall down over his cheeks, no, not though his mother and father should lie there dead . . . Such cunning drugs had the daughter of Zeus, drugs of healing, which Polydamna, the wife of Thor, had given her, a woman of Egypt, for there the earth, the giver of grain, bears the greatest store of drugs . . . . . . More than a century ago, it was suggested by Oswald Schmiedeberg, a German scientist regarded by many as the father of modern pharmacology, that the drug to which Homer refers is opium for “no other natural product on the whole earth calls forth in man such a psychical blunting as the one described.” When today, in the fields of Afghanistan or Turkey or India, the seed capsule of the opium poppy, Papaver somniferum, is pierced, a milky fluid oozes from it which, when dried, is opium. Virginia Berridge, in her elegant history of opium in England, tells us that the effects of opium on the human mind have probably been known for about 6,000 years and that opium had an honored place in Greek, Roman, and Arabic medicine. I will not dwell on that ancient history but will instead jump ahead to the 17th century by which time opium had gained wide use in European medicine.


1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-169
Author(s):  
James A. Reilly

The importance of sharī‘a law-court registers as sources for the social and economic history of Syria/Bilād al-Shām in the Ottoman period has been recognized for some time. A number of studies based on them have appeared, but the registers are so vast that scholars have in fact barely begun to investigate them. The Historical Documents Center (Markaz al-Wathā’iq al-Tārīkhīya) in Damascus holds over one thousand volumes. Additional originals exist in Israel/Palestine and a large collection of Syrian and Palestinian registers is available on microfilm at the University of Jordan (Amman). Although it is difficult to use the Lebanese registers nowadays (and those of Sidon may have been destroyed) a volume of the Tripoli registers from the seventeenth century has been published in facsimile by the Lebanese University. Dearth of material, therefore, is not a problem. One obstacle facing researchers, however, is unfamiliarity with the manner in which the registers present information. Persons whose native tongue is not Arabic have the additional problem of language to overcome. Therefore, an orientation to the registers is helpful, and this article is written with that purpose in mind.


Traditio ◽  
1961 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 493-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myron P. Gilmore

During the last decade the works of Professor Guido Kisch have made an outstanding contribution to our knowledge of the legal thought of the sixteenth century, particularly to the school represented by the University of Basel. His articles and monographs have dealt with the biographical and literary history of significant scholars as well as with the rival schools of interpretation represented by ‘mos italicus' and ‘mos gallicus.' Building on these earlier studies, Professor Kisch has now produced a major work of more comprehensive scope, which goes beyond biographical and methodological questions to the analysis of significant change in substantive legal doctrines. Convinced that the age of humanism and the reception of Roman law saw the formation of some of the most important modern legal concepts, he centers his research on the evolution of the theory of equity with due attention, on the one hand, to the relationship between sixteenth-century innovation and the historic western tradition and, on the other, to the interaction between the academic profession and the practicing lawyers.


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