THE EVOLUTION OF THE GRANDMOTHERS OF PLAZA DE MAYO'S MNEMONIC FRAMING*

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-492
Author(s):  
Nicole Iturriaga

This article illustrates how human rights activists are negotiating post-authoritarian situations via framing strategies that counter the state's narrative of the past, puts state terror on full display, and aids activists in achieving their goals. In this article, I analyze the Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo as a successful mnemonic-memory movement that advanced an alternative collective memory of Argentina's last military regime (1976–1983). I specifically focus on their use of memory work and the evolution of their framing approach. I demonstrate how their framing and frame bridging (rights of families, depoliticized science) was an emergent process that materialized across time and alongside emerging technologies, culminating in their overarching “right to identity” frame. Moreover, I analyze how the Grandmothers used these frames to navigate changing political landscapes and obstacles, and to attack social structures maintaining impunity for the regime's crimes. I ultimately argue that these actions, alongside their extensive memory work, have provided them a loud and powerful voice over the collective memory of Argentina's violent past.

Author(s):  
Andrew Valls

In regime transitions, a number of mechanisms are utilized to memorialize the past and to reject the ideas associated with human rights abused of the prior regime. This is often done through truth commissions, apologies, memorials, museums, changes in place names, national holidays, and other symbolic measures. In the United States, some efforts along these lines have been undertaken, but on the whole they have been very limited and inadequate. In addition, many symbols and memorials associated with the past, such as Confederate monuments and the Confederate Battle Flag, continue to be displayed. Hence while some progress has been made on these issues, much more needs to be done.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sonale Diane Pastro de Oliveira ◽  
Maria Gabriela Silva Martins da Cunha Marinho

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Superado o regime militar, o Brasil tornou-se signatário de acordos internacionais de defesa e promoção dos direitos humanos. Apesar disso, até recentemente, o país negligenciou princípios e fundamentos da justiça de transição previstos pelo Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, entre eles, o direito à verdade, fato que o coloca à margem daquele Sistema. O artigo pontua aspectos políticos da transição-redemocratização política que podem explicar o adiamento da instalação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade no país, criada somente em 2011, e acentua também o caráter contraditório do processo. Especificamente, a análise assinala o fato de que ao transitar da memória para a história, como pretensamente fazem as comissões da verdade, os indivíduos que se aventuram no registro histórico estarão manejando e interferindo na memória coletiva, na percepção e na identidade da qual fazem parte, o que transforma memória em poder.   <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Palavras-chaves:</strong> Comissão da Verdade; Memória; Relações de Poder; Direitos Humanos; Democracia.  </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Overcoming the military regime, Brazil has become signatory of the international defense agreements and promotion of human rights. Yet, until recently, the country has neglected to foundations of transitional justice provided for the Inter-American System of Human Rights, between them, the right of truth, fact that stands aside that system. The article points out political aspects of transitional policy re-democratization which may explain the setting up progress of the National Truth Committee in the country, created only in 2011, and also emphasizes the contradictory procedure. Specifically, the analysis indicates the fact that going through memory to history, the way supposedly the Truth Committees do, the individuals who venture into a historical record will be managing and interfering in the collective memory, perception and identity from which they take part and change memory into power.  <br /><strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> The Truth Committee, Memory and Power Relations, Human Rights, Democracy.<strong> </strong></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Huxtable

This article examines memories of the TV psychic Anatoly Kashpirovsky, whose TV ‘séances’ were broadcast on Soviet state television in the late-1980s. Based on the results of interviews from Russians and Ukrainians conducted in 2013–2014, a television serial based on the rise of TV mystics in the late-1980s and a web forum devoted to discussion of the serial, this article uses memories of Kashpirovsky in both vernacular and public contexts as a means of understanding the place of perestroika and the 1990s in the post-Soviet historical consciousness. In particular, the article focuses on the continued contestation over the meaning of perestroika and the 1990s in Russian and Ukrainian collective memory and the different interpretative strategies used to explain the past. The article seeks to examine the different forms of memory work taking place in different memory spaces, from the popular, vernacular memories voiced in interviews, to public memories expressed within popular culture.


Author(s):  
Marta Gouveia de Oliveira Rovai ◽  
Eduardo Augusto Carvalho Teixeira

Resumo: Este artigo discute e busca compreender a literatura de testemunho como fonte histórica importante para o entendimento da ditadura civil-militar e do processo de redemocratização no Brasil, por meio da obra do Frei Carlos Alberto Libânio Christo, o Frei Betto, intitulada Batismo de Sangue e publicada em 1982. Entende-se que as produções testemunhais de sobreviventes de grandes catástrofes não são reflexos da realidade, mas produtos históricos de uma sociedade específica e de agentes discursivos que interferem no próprio processo histórico, como o gênero testemunhal. A adoção de perspectivas e linguagens diferenciadas sobre a leitura do passado, o possível choque de conteúdos e interpretações entre a memória coletiva de militância de grupos distintos e a construção da memória relativa à participação de setores da Igreja Católica na resistência armada ao regime militar são preocupações abordadas neste texto. Palavras chave: Batismo de Sangue – ditadura – literatura - testemunho – dominicanos   Abstract: This article discusses and seeks the comprehension of witness testimony as an important historical source to understand the civil-militar dictatorship and the process of democratization of Brazil, through the literary work of the priest Carlos Alberto Libânio Christo, Frei Betto, called Batismo de Sangue, published in 1982. It is understood that the testimonial productions of survivors of great catastrophes, aren’t the reflexes of reality, but the historical products of a specific society and of discursive agents that interfere in the historical process itself, as a testimonial gender. The choice of perspectives and different languages about the analysis of the past, the possible shock of interpretations and contents between the collective memory of militancy of different groups and the construction of relative memory to the participation of sectors of the Catholic Church in the armed resistence to the military regime are some of the concerns addressed in this article. Keywords: Batismo de Sangue – dictatorship – literaty – testimony – dominicanos


Author(s):  
Tanja Bosch

The relationship between the practice and field of journalism and the interdisciplinary field of memory studies is complex and multifaceted. There is a strong link between collective memory production and journalistic practice, based on the proposition that journalists produce first drafts of history by using the past in their reportage. Moreover, the practice of journalism is a key agent of memory work because it serves as one of society’s main mechanisms for recording and remembering, and in doing so helps shape collective memory. Journalism can be seen as a memory text, with journalists constructing news within cultural-interpretive frames according to the cultural environment. Journalism also plays a key role in the production of visual memory and new media, including social media. Journalism is thus a key agent of memory work, providing a space for commentary on institutional and cultural sites of memory construction.


2015 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
Sune Haugbølle

Denne artikel analyserer arabiske marxistiske intellektuelles læsninger af de arabiske opstande siden 2011 og introducerer til arabisk postmarxisme forstået som social teori, der baserer sig på hele den brede familie af marxistiske teorier og traditioner men forholder sig kritisk til den. Artiklen trækker på Alain Badious undersøgelse af begivenhed, situation og spor. For rigtigt at forstå en begivenhed som de arabiske opstandes betydning, må nogen engagere sig i at undersøge dette spor kritisk. Jeg argumenterer, at arabisk postmarxisme repræsenterer en kritisk undersøgelse af et Badiousk spor, der viser tilbage til uafklarede begivenheder i fortiden. Sporet går i retning af tidligere arabiske revolutioner, og de arabiske marxisters deltagelse i dem samt deres tidligere læsninger af forholdet mellem stat, samfund og intellektuelle. Deres erindringsarbejde er således også et politisk arbejde, der søger at forklare, hvordan de arabiske opstande blev muliggjort, og hvordan de adskiller sig fra tidligere revolutionære øjeblikke. Denne analyse viser yderligere, at ikke-vestlige samfunds egne læsninger og intellektuelle traditioner skal tages alvorligt i sammenlignende studier af revolution. Postmarxistisk teori er relevant for revolutioner, fordi den giver redskaber til at analysere det revolutionære subjekt, som Skocpol og andre ignorerede, men som revolutionsteori i dag har indset er af afgørende betydning for forståelsen af sociale revolutioner. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Sune Haugbølle: The Other Revolution: The Arab Uprisings in Light of Arab Post-Marxism This article analyzes Arab Marxist intellectuals and their readings of the Arab uprisings since 2011. In addition, it introduces Arab post-Marxism, or social theory drawing often critically on the broad family of Marxist theory and traditions. The article draws on Alain Badiou’s concepts of situation, event and trace. In order to understand events such as the Arab uprisings, someone must be engaged in examining the trace critically. I argue that Arab post-Marxism represents a critical examination of Badiou’s trace referring back to undigested events in the past. The trace points to earlier Arab revolutions, to the participation of Arab Marxists in them, and to their earlier readings of the relation between state, society and intellectuals. In this way, their memory work constitutes political work seeking to clarify how the Arab uprisings were made possible and how they are different from earlier revolutionary moments. On a general level, this analysis shows that intellectual traditions of non-Western societies and the way they engage their past must be taken seriously in comparative studies of revolution. Post-Marxist theory is relevant for revolutions because it provides tools to analyze the revolutionary subject, which Skocpol and others have largely ignored, but which, as most theorists of revolution theory acknowledge, is crucial for our understanding of social and political revolutions. Keywords: revolution, Arab uprisings, post-Marxism, collective memory, Badiou.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Piper-Shafir ◽  
Marisela Montenegro ◽  
Roberto Fernández ◽  
Mauricio Sepúlveda

Studies on Chilean memory sites have focused on the spaces created to remember the human rights abuses carried out during the dictatorship. However, the ways in which people experience and appropriate these readings of the past have received scarce attention. In this article, we explore how individuals who were not victims of human rights abuses experience two memory sites in Santiago, Chile: Villa Grimaldi and Londres 38. Following the premise that memory emerges as a product of semiotic and material assembling materialized in the interaction between sites and visitors, we analyze the relationship between the memory sites’ suggested readings of the past and the experiences of the public. We argue that this experience allows visitors to connect past atrocities with broader social discourses circulating in Chile in the form of abstract knowledge. This requires visitors to assume a position in relation to different historical accounts, allowing specific reconfigurations of collective memory to emerge.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias

The accession of post-communist states into the Council of Europe system enlarged greatly the territory of effective protection of human rights in Europe and at the same time compelled the European Court of Human Rights to address the current effects of past violations of human rights by communist regimes. It gave the Court an opportunity to establish a legal standard of how to deal with matters such as the public presence of communist symbols and insignia, de-registration of neo-Communist parties, and the relevance of past membership in the Communist parties for an exercise of electoral rights in a newly democratized state. This opportunity was at the same time a challenge, and the Court was less than successful in meeting this challenge, despite the fact that it had already established the relevant legal standards when deciding about the cases triggered by the Nazi past. Without making it explicit, and without articulating openly the relevant differences, the Court has not established any equivalence between legal treatments of the aftermath of the two types of criminal regimes in the European recent past. The article discusses three recent cases belonging to these categories and concludes that there is a clear contrast between the Court’s treatment of “post-ommunist” cases and the same Court’s earlier treatment of equivalent “post-Nazi” cases; the article offers some explanations for the discrepancy which reflects a broader dualism in European collective memory of the past.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 691-708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Onur Bakiner

There is unprecedented domestic and international interest in Turkey's political past, accompanied by a societal demand for truth and justice in addressing past human rights violations. This article poses the question: Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Drawing upon the literature on nationalism, identity, and collective memory, I argue that the Turkish state has recently taken steps to acknowledge and redress some of the past human rights violations. However, these limited and strategic acts of acknowledgment fall short of initiating a more comprehensive process of addressing past wrongs. The emergence of the Justice and Development Party as a dominant political force brings along the possibility that the discarded Kemalist memory framework will be replaced by what I callmajoritarian conservatism, a new government-sanctioned shared memory that promotes uncritical and conservative-nationalist interpretations of the past that have popular appeal, while enforcing silence on critical historiographies that challenge this hegemonic memory and identity project. Nonetheless, majoritarian conservatism will probably fail to assert state control over memory and history, even under a dominant government, as unofficial memory initiatives unsettle the hegemonic appropriation of the past.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 149-175
Author(s):  
Rubén Vega ◽  
Matthew Kerry

Processes of industrial decline have often generated nostalgia phenomena in the affected communities based on the more or less idealised memory of a past time of prosperity that disappeared as the chimneys went out (‘smokestack nostalgia’, this has been called sometimes). In an earlier time, the development of industries and mining had resulted in the configuration of well-defined social structures and socio-political frameworks. Class identity, collective action, labour disputes and trade union organisations provided the basis on which to build communities that revolved around work. Deindustrialisation undermines both the material and symbolic bases of those cities and regions that have known an industrial boom and exposes them to great uncertainty about their future. The elaboration of a collective memory capable of adapting to a radically transformed context constitutes a research field full of possibilities, despite its complexity. The references can be adapted to new post-industrial scenarios only with considerable difficulty, but at the same time they provide sources of pride and identity and response schemes to adversities. In the following lines, we will concentrate on a specific case: that of Asturias, a mining and industrial region with a prominent role played by the labour movement that has suffered a prolonged decline in its economic bases but has largely managed to preserve social cohesion. The traumatic nature of these changes invites us to explore the way in which collective perceptions manifest themselves and also the role that memory (and oblivion) can play in the reactions of young people subjected to very different challenges from those of their elders.


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