Media Coverage and Organizational Support in The Dutch Environmental Movement

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart ◽  
Dirk Oegema ◽  
Bert Klandermans
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Support ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Computer Assisted ◽  
Social Movement Organizations ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Movement Organizations ◽  
The Relationship

Though social movement organizations (SMOs) depend heavily upon the media for their communication to the public, little is known about the relationships between media coverage and public support for SMOs. This research uses computer-assisted content analysis to assess the relationship between media coverage and membership figures for Dutch environmental organizations over the period 1991-2003. Our analysis provides evidence for direct influence of visibility of the organization and its main issue on membership support, while membership support does not influence visibility of an SMO and its issue. Furthermore, an SMO's media visibility is negatively affected by the visibility of other SMOs within the same sector. These results point to the necessity for SMOs to compete for attention in the public sphere and to the importance of using various strategies to compete for the limited space available in the media.

scholarly journals ‘Show us you care!’ The gendered psycho-politics of emotion and women as political leaders

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candida Yates
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theresa May

This article deploys a new psycho-political approach to examine the relationship between female political leadership and the emotionalisation of political culture by focusing on the case study of the media coverage of the former UK Prime Minister Theresa May. The article argues that the emotional turn in political culture is a gendered phenomenon because it reinforces deeper fears and fantasies about irrational femininity and the inherent instability of female political leadership and women in the public sphere.

Transnational Protest and The Public Sphere

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Beyeler ◽  
Hanspeter Kriesi
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Economic Globalization ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Selection Of

This article explores the impact of protests against economic globalization in the public sphere. The focus is on two periodical events targeted by transnational protests: the ministerial conferences of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the annual meetings of the World Economic Forum (WEF). Based on a selection of seven quality newspapers published in different parts of the world, we trace media attention, support of the activists, as well as the broader public debate on economic globalization. We find that starting with Seattle, protest events received extensive media coverage. Media support of the street activists, especially in the case of the anti-WEF protests, is however rather low. Nevertheless, despite the low levels of support that street protesters received, many of their issues obtain wide public support.

Explaining Public Support for the Use of Military Force: The Impact of Reference Point Framing and Prospective Decision Making

2011 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Héctor Perla
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Public Support ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article examines the determinants of public support for the use of military force. It puts forward a Framing Theory of Policy Objectives (FTPO), which contends that public support for military engagements depends on the public's perception of the policy's objective. However, it is difficult for the public to judge a policy's objective because they cannot directly observe a policy's true intention and influential political actors offer competing frames to define it. This framing contestation, carried out through the media, sets the public's decision-making reference point and determines whether the policy is perceived as seeking to avoid losses or to achieve gains. The FTPO predicts that support will increase when the public perceives policies as seeking to prevent losses and decrease when the public judges policies to be seeking gains. I operationalize and test the theory using content analysis of national news coverage and opinion polls of U.S. intervention in Central America during the 1980s. These framing effects are found to hold regardless of positive or negative valence of media coverage.

Nederlandse en Vlaamse politieke partijen in de krant en in de peilingen: een wederkerige relatie

2010 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rens Vliegenthart ◽  
Peter Van Aelst
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Causal Relationship ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Positive Influence ◽  
The Other ◽  
Computer Assisted ◽  
The Media ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opinion Polls

Dutch and Flemish parties in the media and in the polls: assessing a mutual causal relationship Dutch and Flemish parties in the media and in the polls: assessing a mutual causal relationship We address the question to what extent media visibility of political parties and standing in opinion polls influence each other. We look at various political parties in the Netherlands and Flanders during the past two decades. We hypothesize a positive influence from the one on the other, and pose the question to what extent this differs for parties with different characteristics. We conduct a computer-assisted content analysis of newspaper coverage and collect existing public opinion polls. We use a pooled time series analysis and tests of Granger causality. Results show that often a positive causal relationship between media coverage and opinion polls exists. Sometimes, however, the relationship is absent, or even contrary to expectations. Especially in the last years, Dutch parties at the extremes of the political spectrum profit from media visibility. In Flanders, the relationship only runs from polls to visibility, and not the other way around.

Karaktermord, angreb og selvanklager omkring Knausgårds Min kamp

2021 ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Rikke Andersen Kraglund
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Ethical Dilemmas ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
The Family ◽  
Artistic Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship

This article studies the effects of the ambiguous accusations around Karl Ove Knausgaard’s novel in six parts, My struggle (2009-11). The novel’s portrait of a number of named individuals and family members brought the relationship between artistic freedom and defamation, responsibility, guilt and shame up for discussion, and initiated negotiations of collective norms and values in connection with autobiographical novels. An analysis of the rhetorical strategies behind the family’s accusations at the time of the publication, initially illuminates the ethical dilemmas the family helped to raise in the public debate. Next, the accusations in the novels themselves are studied and the article shows a need to consider how differently the accusations appear in and outside the novels, because the autobiographical novel establishes an ambiguous statement that is not found in the media coverage

scholarly journals Under The Spotlight: The Impact of Media Attention on Protest Policing

1999 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Wisler ◽  
Marco Giugni
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Blind Spot ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Attention ◽  
Protest Policing ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact

Explanations of protest policing have neglected the "spotlight of the media." Based on data on repression and its media coverage in four Swiss cities from 1965 to 1994, our findings suggest that the mass media do have an impact on levels and forms of repression, along with political opportunity dimensions and levels of disruption. We identify two mechanisms. First, we show that the symbolic battles waged by protest groups and their outcomes affect the level of repression these groups face. More specifically, depending on whether the civil-rights or the law-and-order scenario wins in the public sphere, the police adopt different postures when facing disorders. Second, the police are also shown to be vulnerable to an increase of media attention during a protest campaign. When protest becomes a blind spot in the public sphere, repression increases.

The Press and Classical Populism in Argentina and Brazil

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Alejandro Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Traditional Media ◽  
The Public ◽  
American States ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

Comparison of the policies vis-à-vis the press of the classical populist governments of Argentina and Brazil reveals that the populist elites came into conflict with traditional media elites over exclusionary views that modified the contours of the public sphere. Newspapers committed to liberal principles engaged in intransigent struggle with populism, and this struggle created opportunities for new entrepreneurs to form political alliances with these governments to expand their businesses. The relationship between these “mediatized populisms” and the new media entrepreneurs contributed to the patrimonialism that came to characterize the link between the media and Latin American states in subsequent years. Una comparación de las políticas relativas a la prensa por parte de los gobiernos populistas clásicos de Argentina y Brasil muestra que las élites populistas entraron en conflicto con las élites de los medios tradicionales. Dichas desavenencias fueron causadas por puntos de vista excluyentes que alteraban el contorno de la esfera pública. Los periódicos comprometidos con los principios liberales sostuvieron una lucha intransigente con el populismo, lucha que dio la oportunidad a nuevos empresarios de formar alianzas políticas con dichos gobiernos y expandir así sus negocios. La relación entre estos “populismos mediáticos” y los empresarios de los nuevos medios contribuyó al patrimonialismo que asumiría el vínculo entre dichos medios y los Estados latinoamericanos en años subsiguientes.

Boundary Politics in the Public Sphere: Openness, Secrecy, and Leak

1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Ku
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Discursive Practices ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

The issue of openness/secrecy has not received adequate attention in current discussion on the public sphere. Drawing on ideas in critical theory, political sociology, and cultural sociology this article explores the cultural and political dynamics involved in the public sphere in modern society vis-à-vis the practice of open/secret politics by the state. It argues that the media, due to their publicist quality, are situated at the interface between publicity and secrecy, which thereby allows for struggles over the boundary of state openness/secrecy in the public sphere. A theory of boundary politics is introduced that is contextualized in the relationship among state forms, the means of making power visible/invisible (media strategies), and symbolic as well as discursive practices in the public sphere. In explaining the dynamics of boundary politics over openness/secrecy, three ideal-types of boundary creation are conceptualized: open politics secrecy and leak. The theory is illustrated with a case study of the Patten controversy in Hong Kong.

Natural Hazards

2011 ◽  
pp. 46-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Zemp
Keyword(s):  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Information Seeking ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Disaster Communication ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Media ◽  
Disaster Reporting ◽  
The Public Sphere

The growing importance of mass media in the ‘information society’, combined with society’s increased dependence on electronic modes of information is important to the perception, regulation and management of risk at a local, national and international level. However, media organisations have their own logic and goals that are not necessarily compatible with the logic and goals of disaster planning and assistance agencies. Using a detailed study of the media coverage of floods in Switzerland from 1910 to 2005, we will illustrate the salient features of disaster reporting and how these relate to issues of risk perception and risk prevention behaviour in the public sphere. The findings are used to discuss the traditional media’s shortcomings for the goal of risk reduction, the public’s information seeking behaviour, and the opportunities and limitations arising from the emergence of digital, internet-based information and communication technologies (ICT) for disaster communication.

scholarly journals Quand la droite nationaliste montre les minarets : la médiatisation ambiguë d’une initiative populaire en Suisse

2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Gonzalez
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Television News ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Program ◽  
Public Recognition ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Using Data

This contribution addresses the anti-minaret referendum accepted by the Swiss people in 2009, using data drawn from the main television news program in French-speaking Switzerland. The analysis tries to point out ambiguities in the media coverage of this referendum and to show how increasing the Muslims’ visibility worked against their public recognition. The clarification of the concept of visibility pays attention to the ways in which certain actors (politicians of the nationalist right) force others (the Muslims of Switzerland) to appear in the public sphere, creating controversy and publicizing their identity aspirations. This investigation leads to an inquiry on the normative conditions necessary for democratic debate.Cette contribution revient sur l’initiative anti-minarets acceptée par le peuple suisse en 2009, à partir de matériau provenant du principal journal de la Télévision suisse romande. L’analyse tente de ressaisir les ambiguïtés inhérentes à la médiatisation de cette initiative et de montrer comment la visibilisation des musulmans a joué en défaveur de leur reconnaissance publique. L’élucidation du concept de visibilité se veut attentive à certaines formes d’instrumentalisation par des acteurs (des politiciens de la droite nationaliste) qui en forcent d’autres (les musulmans de Suisse) à apparaître dans l’espace public, afin de susciter une controverse et publiciser leur programme identitaire. L’enquête débouche sur une interrogation relative aux conditions normatives nécessaires à la tenue d’un débat démocratique.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document