Strategic Framing, Emotions, And Superbarrio—Mexico City's Masked Crusader

2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Cadena-Roa

This article explores the spontaneous and emotional dimensions of social protest and the expressive dimensions of constructing movement identities. It analyzes how a "party mood" that prevailed in a Mexico City social movement organization, the Asamblea de Barrios, created the conditions for the emergence of Superbarrio, a masked crusader for justice who used humor and drama to help the urban poor confront the corruption and mismanagement of the Mexican state. Superbarrio drew on Mexico's culture of wrestling and the wrestling audience's cognitive and emotional responses. He represented an innovation in the movement's action repertories that used the emotional dramaturgy of wrestling for framing purpose. This proved crucial in sustaining effective challenges to the authorities and led to dozens of imitators. This article argues that the public's response to strategic dramaturgy is mediated by the emotions dramatic representations of conflict arouse.

2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuradha Chakravarty ◽  
Soma Chaudhuri

This article shows how a social movement organization focused on microcredit loans is able to mobilize a community against its own cultural practice of witch-hunts. Successful mobilization against witch-hunts are possible when two conditions are met: first, when activists are able to tap into microcredit groups' social capacity for collective mobilization (defined by ties of mutual dependence, reciprocity, and friendship); and second, when activists are able to use strategic framing to present a coherent argument about the congruence of microcredit and anti-witch-hunt goals. In this context a master frame (women's development) emerged that effectively forged the seemingly disparate goals of microcredit loans and anti-witch-hunt campaigns into one synthetic movement. In contrast, successful mobilization against witch-hunts was difficult in areas where the activists did not have access to the microcredit networks or were not able to strategically frame the campaign.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110382
Author(s):  
Aimei Yang ◽  
Maureen Taylor

In this study, we explore how a social movement organization ( Sunrise.org ) and its autonomous public community advocated for the Green New Deal on social media. An autonomous public community is a group of publics that initially connect with each other through their engagement with a focal organization. Then, they go on to develop ties among themselves that go beyond simply responding to organizations’ messages. Autonomous public communities are ubiquitous on social media. Our research identifies unique patterns of interactions in an autonomous public community and finds that the Tertius Iungens orientation brings the network together. We also find that while the focal organization is not centralized in an autonomous public community, it still significantly affects tie formation and discourse as the networks evolve. Our study reveals a nuanced understanding of networked organization–public engagement where network structure and discourse are co-created by the organizations and the communities that they engage.


Author(s):  
Juan C. Olmeda

State governments have acquired a central role in Mexican politics and policy making during the last decades as a result of both democratization and decentralization. Nowadays state governments not only concentrate a significant portion of prerogatives and responsibilities in terms of service delivery but also control a substantial share of public spending. However, no systematic studies have been developed in order to understand how state governments function. This chapter provides an overview on how policies are crafted at the subnational (state) level in Mexico, the main actors taking place in the process and the way in which professional knowledge and advice influence policy makers. As it argues, the central role in the policy making process is played by the executive branch, being the governors the ones who have the final word in most important decisions. In addition, secretaries also concentrate power in particular policy areas. As a result of the lack of a professional civil service, however, a significant portion of policy analysis is performed by non-governmental actors (universities, NGOs and private firms). The chapter applies this framework to analyze a particular Mexican state, namely Mexico City.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Guillermo Aguilar ◽  
Flor M. López

Contention ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-48
Author(s):  
Fabian Frenzel

Social and political organizing and organization has a spatial dimension, and there is increasing interest in academic studies of organization to understand better how space and organization relate, interact, and conflict. There is a range of studies that look at business and workplace organization, but little evidence from social movement organization or what is sometimes referred to as alternative organization studies. This article addresses this gap by observing and analyzing the effects of spatial organization in social movements. It focuses particularly on protest camps, a form of social movement organization in which spatial organization is particularly important. It looks at the Resurrection City protest camp of 1968 to identify the development of spatial organization practices. They are carried onwards across social movements, as they resolve organizational desires for the social movement organization, such as enabling mass organization without resorting to formal membership or hierarchical structures. In summary, the article provides insight into the relationship between spatial and social organization.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie King

What cultural and structural factors allow conflict in a social movement organization to persist over long periods of time? Using data gleaned from interviews, archival materials, newspaper articles and online sources, I examine the Sierra Club's conflict over immigration policy, an issue which has persisted for decades without clear resolution. I argue that ideology accounts for some activists' position on club policy, while others based their stance on strategic concerns, which were linked in part to forces external to the club. At the same time, the democratic structure of the Sierra Club has allowed factions to continue working towards their own agendas. This case reveals a more complicated connection between ideology and strategy than previous studies have indicated and illuminates how intense conflict may not necessarily be associated with dramatic outcomes.


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