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2021 ◽  
Vol 206 (Supplement 3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Filippou ◽  
Lee A Hugar ◽  
Rishi R Sekar ◽  
Renata Louwers ◽  
Ann Pomper ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 030631272110339
Author(s):  
Ioana Popa

This article examines the ties between an internationalised science and transnational activism, in particular for causes considered universal, such as defending human rights, during the late Cold War. It focuses on a scientific network that supported mathematicians persecuted for their political views by both left- and right-wing undemocratic regimes. The Committee of Mathematicians was founded in 1974 and was active for a decade, built incrementally as a transnational advocacy network located in several Western countries. Focussing primarily on the Committee’s French component, this article investigates the social and organisational underpinnings of its transnational action and defence of universal principles. It examines the modes of action and how they were shaped by scientists’ professional and even disciplinary affiliations. These focal points allow an interrogation of the place the committee occupied within the space of human rights activism. The article aims to contribute to a historical sociology of the ties between science and politics and of the transnational trends that strained national frameworks, while moving away from an approach focussed solely on political macrotrends that fuelled the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes

The United Kingdom imposed an arms embargo on Chile in 1974 but not on Argentina after the 1976 coup, despite brutal military dictatorships in both countries. What explains this difference? What can this difference reveal about the determinants of government decisions regarding arms exports? Using mainly archival evidence, this article demonstrates that this difference is explained by a stronger advocacy network in the United Kingdom campaigning on Chile, which was largely due to a greater identification of the British left with the Chilean struggle. The hub of this network was the Chile Solidarity Campaign, which mediated the influence of the transnational anti-Pinochet movement on the UK government. These findings suggest that shared values or identities make transnational issues more likely to resonate with domestic audiences. Evidence also indicates the importance of activists’ connections with gatekeepers, focus on specific arms deals, and demonstrated causal chains between arms exports and repression.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes

ABSTRACT In 1964, the UK government imposed an arms embargo on South Africa, which it maintained until the end of the white minority rule. What explains this embargo? Using mainly archival evidence, this paper demonstrates that domestic political dynamics in the United Kingdom mediated the influence of the transnational anti-apartheid and anti-colonial struggles on the British government. The United Kingdom imposed and maintained this embargo due in part to a domestic advocacy network, whose hub was the Anti-Apartheid Movement. The paper provides a comprehensive explanation of an important issue in British foreign policy, the anti-colonial struggle, and Southern Africa's history. There are theoretical implications for foreign policy analysis concerning the role of advocacy networks, interactions between local and global activism, the role of political parties’ ideology and contestation, the effects on foreign policy of changes in a normative environment, the effects of norm contestation, and normative determinants of sanctions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110382
Author(s):  
Aimei Yang ◽  
Maureen Taylor

In this study, we explore how a social movement organization ( Sunrise.org ) and its autonomous public community advocated for the Green New Deal on social media. An autonomous public community is a group of publics that initially connect with each other through their engagement with a focal organization. Then, they go on to develop ties among themselves that go beyond simply responding to organizations’ messages. Autonomous public communities are ubiquitous on social media. Our research identifies unique patterns of interactions in an autonomous public community and finds that the Tertius Iungens orientation brings the network together. We also find that while the focal organization is not centralized in an autonomous public community, it still significantly affects tie formation and discourse as the networks evolve. Our study reveals a nuanced understanding of networked organization–public engagement where network structure and discourse are co-created by the organizations and the communities that they engage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
A. Banu Bicakci

When civil society organisations (CSOs) of asymmetric size, structure and scope become members of an advocacy network, all those variations may lead to discrepant communicative behaviour. Therefore, encouraging member organisations to collaborate and co-create messages towards an advocacy goal is a major challenge. To examine member engagement in an advocacy network, this study scrutinizes the strategic communication activities of an environmental network in Turkey, and reviews their EU-funded campaign named ‘No Pesticides on My Plate’ accordingly. Grounded in the relationship management framework, this paper suggests that the power of relevant public relations strategies and tactics should be taken into account as to ensure the effectiveness of member CSOs’ actions in an advocacy network. Depending on a case study to examine the subject, it demonstrates how interpersonal communication and media tactics may be utilised to achieve member relations goals and finally to pursue social change.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Monica Vira Ajeng Kristanti

Southeast Asia is one of the regions that has a fairly high rate of labor migration, both as a contributor and a recipient country. However, this is not equated with strict regulations and laws. Violations of the rights of migrant workers are common in several countries. Unfortunately, ASEAN as a regional regional organization has not been able to provide targeted advocacy. The Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) is here to provide recommendations and advocacy to migrant workers across countries. In this article, the transnational advocacy network that will be studied further is the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) which has been actively advocating and providing policy recommendations to five countries in Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, the Philippines, and Thailand. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method using secondary data. In this study, we can see how GAATW cooperates with several migrant worker unions in these countries, either by conducting research, advocating for victims, or by publishing publications aimed at the public and the government.


Author(s):  
Amelinda Fairuz Azura ◽  
Silvia Dian Anggraeni

The implementation of fracking activities in the United Kingdom that involves the pumping of water, chemicals, and sand underground to explore shale gas has caused several hazardous impacts. This situation has sparked protests from various kinds of demonstrators, both individuals and organizations. In response to the public objection to fracking activities, the British Government tended to fight back against the action. The detention of demonstrators ultimately created a pattern of limited advocacy among the public against the British Government. It has prompted an NGO called Friends of the Earth to start mobilizing these issues to the international realm by promoting principled ideas or norms to form a transnational network, aiming to influence national policy. The authors explain the transnational advocacy network's role in influencing British policy by applying the concept of Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) from Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink. Specifically, the role is analysed based on TAN’s strategies, namely Information Politics, Symbolic Politics, Leverage Politics, and Accountability Politics. The authors also use Constructivism Theory to explain how norms and ideas can influence national policy. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data collection techniques to describe and interpret some relevant phenomena to become an integrated explanation.


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