scholarly journals Role of India in Rohingya Crisis: Humanitarian Role and Geopolitical Interest

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Farzana Al Ferdous

Globally considered one of the most persecuted minority groups, the Rohingyas are a predominantly Muslim ethnic group in northern Rakhine who have fled Myanmar in a large-scale exodus since August 2017. More than 700,000 refugees fled to Bangladesh after a military crackdown on Rohingyas last August, following the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s attack on Myanmar’s military posts. This massive refugee outflow of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar into Bangladesh has created a humanitarian crisis that carries implications on regional stability and security and also outrage among the international community. As a neighbor country, Bangladesh expects India’s respond promptly to support the government. This paper briefly examines India’s approach towards the Roh-ingya crisis and explores ways for India through its role in humanitarian and geopolitical including diplomatic, domestic political compulsions, security and economic interest. It also analyses India’s response to the Rohingya crisis focusing on India-Myanmar relations and also India’s need to counter China’s growing influence in its neighborhood. The paper also argues that as a neighbor friend and partner of Bangladesh, the role of India in Rohingya crisis has become a global expectation for peace and conflict resolution.

2019 ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Eimuhi J. O.

This paper looked at leadership and education for national security: the role of educational management. This paper posits that leadership and education are vital tools to maintaining national security in Nigeria. The challenges to national security in Nigeria ranges from Boko Haram insurgency, Fulani herdsmen killings, kidnapping and adoption of school children, ethnic and tribal crises, among others. It was suggested that for maintenance of peace and security in the country, the educational managers must ensure that core subject areas in the school curricula are emphasized such as civic education, social studies and peace and conflict resolution studies as well as entrepreneurship and vocational subjects for self employment. The government on her part must ensure that unemployment rate is reduced.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shabir Hussain ◽  
Syed Abdul Siraj

This study offers a quantitative analysis of the coverage of Taliban conflict in the four leading newspapers of Pakistan and Afghanistan through the perspective of war and peace journalism—developed by Johan Galtung and adopted by many scholars. Consistent with the existing literature, the researcher found that both the English and vernacular press in the two countries predominantly reported the Taliban conflict through war journalism framing. The local press was equally escalatory while reporting on the conflict. The press in the two countries showed remarkable differences in the war journalism framing but applied similar thematic strategies of peace journalism. The study advocates an academic juncture between political communication and peace journalism scholarship to identify the issues that influence media content during conflict times for better understanding of the potential role of media in peace and conflict resolution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (40) ◽  
pp. e2108576118
Author(s):  
Yann Algan ◽  
Daniel Cohen ◽  
Eva Davoine ◽  
Martial Foucault ◽  
Stefanie Stantcheva

This article analyzes the specific and critical role of trust in scientists on both the support for and compliance with nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) during the COVID-19 pandemic. We exploit large-scale, longitudinal, and representative surveys for 12 countries over the period from March to December 2020, and we complement the analysis with experimental data. We find that trust in scientists is the key driving force behind individual support for and compliance with NPIs and for favorable attitudes toward vaccination. The effect of trust in government is more ambiguous and tends to diminish support for and compliance with NPIs in countries where the recommendations from scientists and the government were not aligned. Trust in others also has seemingly paradoxical effects: in countries where social trust is high, the support for NPIs is low due to higher expectations that others will voluntary social distance. Our individual-level longitudinal data also allows us to evaluate the effects of within-person changes in trust over the pandemic: we show that trust levels and, in particular, trust in scientists have changed dramatically for individuals and within countries, with important subsequent effects on compliant behavior and support for NPIs. Such findings point out the challenging but critical need to maintain trust in scientists during a lasting pandemic that strains citizens and governments.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Dongshui Yin ◽  
Xiaoguang Guo

The involvement of international non-governmental organizations (ingos) in the efforts to develop democracy is a global phenomenon in the context of globalization. ingos have played a part in the development of democracy in rural China. Given domestic reformers’ technical need for village elections, the important role of village elections, and the vision of ingos for boosting democracy, ingos have sought cooperation with the government and reached where village elections are held with their resources to provide financial, technical, intellectual and other support for pushing forward elections and the reform. To some extent, these ingos have contributed to the development of democracy in rural China. However, the large-scale fast movement of people in China has resulted in a large number of “vacant” villages. Against such a backdrop, ingos have shown less interest in village elections and shifted some of their attention to other areas. In the process of developing democracy, China should adopt an open and rational attitude towards the ingos, take advantage of their strengths, and avoid considering them either angels or demons.


Significance Grandi is the latest high-profile figure to urge the government to reconsider its position. Should Dadaab close, over 340,000 refugees would in total be forced from Kenya, creating a potential humanitarian crisis with security implications. Impacts Kenya may leverage the refugees to secure greater financial and political assistance from the international community. The West's struggle to manage migration crises elsewhere will pressure donors to prevent another large-scale displacement. The UN may increase the rate of assisted returns of Somalis if conditions in Somalia improve. Kenya would remain susceptible to future al-Shabaab attacks even if Dadaab closes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Dzimiri

The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) represents one of the key normative developments towards mitigating global human rights violations. Normatively, the RtoP advances the notion of responsible sovereignty by obligating states to protect their people from humanitarian catastrophe and emphasises the residual role of the international community in the event of lack of capacity or the state's unwillingness to protect. It is in this context that this article examines RtoP mitigation measures instituted by the South African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) as regional multilateral institutions in responding to the crisis in Zimbabwe. The article considers the extent to which the responses have been guided implicitly or explicitly by RtoP principles. The evolution and consolidation of the humanitarian crisis has been considered, with specific focus on the human security impact of government policies, in particular, Operation Murambatsvina (the destruction of what were deemed illegal housing structures in major cities in Zimbabwe in May 2005) and the unprecedented 2008 electoral violence as a result of increased militarisation of governance structures. Debate on the applicability of RtoP to the crisis in Zimbabwe is thus located within the broader framework of the normative theories of international relations that forms the basis of RtoP. The article argues that escalation of the government induced humanitarian crisis was as a result of lack of timeous or effective responses by both the AU and SADC. Again, the AU and SADC responses were significantly influenced by diverse, often mutually exclusive, interpretations of the main causes of the crisis. Another salient finding is the extent to which politicisation of RtoP and lack of political will undermined RtoP operationalisation. 


2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
AURELIA GEORGE MULGAN

One of the perennial controversies in the study of Japanese political economy has centred on the role of the government in the economy and in Japan's economic growth. The best-known model of Japanese political economy is the ‘capitalist developmental state’, which offers both a descriptive model of Japanese political economy and an explanation for Japan's postwar economic miracle in terms of bureaucracy-led intervention. As a descriptive model, the ‘capitalist developmental state’ both over-generalises and under-generalises key features of Japan's political economy. It over-generalises because it builds a model of Japanese political economy based on government-business relations in a number of large-scale, export-oriented manufacturing industries ignoring inefficient or ‘laggard’ sectors or admitting them only as system supports. The model under-generalises Japanese political economy because types and modes of bureaucratic intervention are consistent across different sectors of the economy, and in fact are more prevalent in weaker sectors, such as agriculture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 3227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qidong Huang ◽  
Jiajun Xu ◽  
Hua Qin ◽  
Xinyu Gao

Large-scale village relocation and urbanization, one of the most significant social changes in China, bring villages both development opportunities and social risks. The social risks mainly stem from the government’s strong position in land expropriation and policy preference for urban development. We observe the amalgamation of Anyang and Bomu Village in China and explore the specific role of land policies in the social change and restructuring of the two villages. We find that clan gentries challenge the government’s “absolute” authority over land and landless villagers start the trend of “de-urbanization.” Our research presents targeted policy recommendations in terms of weakening the role of the government in urbanization, strengthening dialogues between the government and clans and coordinating urban and rural land use.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (336) ◽  
Author(s):  

The authorities are committed to very strong policies and policy frameworks. However, policy uncertainty and new priorities have created challenges and have clouded the growth outlook. Large-scale investment projects and social transfers—and a commitment to not raise taxes until after 2021—are yet to be reconciled with the administration’s fiscal targets and the objective of putting public debt on a downward path. Meanwhile, drastic budget cuts for some institutions have raised concern about their impact on human capital. A state-centered energy policy that limits the role of the private sector—putting the onus of stabilizing Pemex (the state-owned oil and gas company) squarely on the government—has imposed further pressure on the budget and has weakened prospects for oil production. Promises to tackle some of Mexico’s salient structural challenges—including corruption, informality and crime—have yet to be followed by concrete policy action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Nadia Abdul Rodhi ◽  
Arie Kusuma Paksi

This journal examines the role of the 18th Asia Game as a diplomatic tool in the Korean peninsula conflict in 2018, specifically in promoting peace on the Korean Peninsula. This journal aims to describe and analyze the effectiveness of sports or Olympics affiliated with the Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) as a unifying tool in pushing for reunification opportunities on the Korean Peninsula. The 18th Asian Games, on the other hand, has played an essential role in uniting North and South Korea into one unit under the same flag in a variety of ways that have had a positive impact on peace between the two countries. This study employs qualitative research methods, such as literature review and triangulation, to collect data. A descriptive-analytical approach was used to collect and analyze data. This study's analysis employs sports diplomacy theory to examine the effectiveness of sports in resolving conflicts on the Korean Peninsula. Because the current state of the Korean peninsula has not entirely resulted in the ideals of the two countries' reunification, the theory of sports diplomacy can identify the factors that support the reduced intensity of the Korean Peninsula's cold war. One of the factors is the role of sport as a tool of sports diplomacy, which has increased opportunities for promoting peace and conflict resolution to reach a peace agreement between the two parties and eventually lead to reunification.


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