Catalonia and Regional Self-Government in the First Quarter of the 20th Century

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Georgy Filatov

The Mancomunitat represents the first experience of self-government in Catalonia in the 20th century. This idea began to form among Catalan intellectuals in the second half of the 19th century, when the interests of the local bourgeoisie and the cultural elite of the region unexpectedly coincided in connection with the need to defend their interests before the central authorities. The Mancomunitat emerged at a time when the political system of the restoration was in crisis as the main monarchist parties were ousted from the political life of the region by Catalanists and Republicans. In these conditions, the Spanish government preferred to satisfy the demands of the nationalists, since they were a more conservative force and did not pretend to change the political system of Spain. As a result, the Catalan provinces were able to create the Mancomunitat, which allowed them to coordinate efforts to deal with administrative issues.

2018 ◽  
pp. 359-373
Author(s):  
Dominika Gołaszewska-Rusinowska

This case study focuses on the life and work of Joaquín Costa. He was a Spanish intellectual who in late 19th century and early 20th century started the intellectual and political movement called Regenerationism. This movement emerged in response against the political system of Spanish Restoration.  


Author(s):  
Екатерина Юрьевна Рыбакова ◽  
Галина Александровна Птичникова ◽  
Игорь Андреевич Бондаренко

Основная тема статьи - понятие памяти места, которое является важным ассоциативным элементом коллективной памяти. Рассматриваются история развития и архитектура выставочного центра «Messe Berlin» с начала XX века по настоящее время. Прослеживается взаимосвязь основания и дальнейшего расширения комплекса с историческим местом проведения традиционных ярмарок первой четверти XIX века. Выявляются основные этапы модернизации территории ярмарки (1924-1926, 1930-1935, 1969- 1979 годы, 1991 - настоящее время). Анализируются концепции развития выставочного комплекса «Messe Berlin» в связи с меняющимися политическими условиями и требованиями, затрагивается вопрос бережного подхода к сохранению исторических архитектурных объектов вне зависимости от эпохи и политического строя, в период которых состоялось их возведение. The main topic of the article is the concept of «memory of a place», which is an important associative element of collective memory. The history of development and architecture of the Messe Berlin exhibition center from the beginning of the 20th century to the present are considered. The interrelation between the foundation and the further expansion of the complex with the historical venue of traditional fairs of the first quarter of the 19th century is traced. The main stages of modernization of the fair area (1924-1926, 1930-1935, 1969-1979, 1991 - present) are identified. Concepts of the development of the Messe Berlin exhibition complex are analyzed in connection with changing political conditions and requirements, the question of a careful approach to preserving historical architectural objects, regardless of the epoch and political system during which they were erected, is touched upon.


Author(s):  
William J. Abraham

‘The impact of Methodism’ considers Methodism’s impact on and contribution to social movements, politics, education, and healthcare. Social movements that were deeply influenced by Methodism include the abolition of slavery in the 19th century and the Temperance Movement in the 20th century. The Methodist tradition has always encouraged diversity of judgement in the political arena and Methodists can be found on both the conservative and progressive wings of politics. One of the most important expressions of social holiness in Methodism shows up in its role in education. Methodists founded numerous successful schools and universities around the world. Methodism has also had an impact on popular and high culture.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-120
Author(s):  
Jia Gao

The first mass Chinese immigration to Australia occurred in the 19th century, with approximately 100,000 Chinese arriving between the 1840s and 1901 (Fitzgerald 2007; Ho 2007), during which questions were raised both in relation to the Chinese rights of migration and settlement in Australia, and the validity of the government's actions against the Chinese. The latter question was in fact considered in the colonial courts (Cronin 1993; Lake and Reynolds 2008). Since then, the Chinese in Australia have never shied away from taking various legal actions, although they are normally seen as people who keep to themselves. Australia abandoned its 'White Australia' policy in 1974, and lately Australia has placed more emphasis on skilled and business migration. As a result, many believe that Chinese migrants have come to Australia under its normal skilled, business or family migration programs, which ignores the fact that a high proportion of them have obtained their chance to stay in Australia directly or indirectly through a series of legal battles. This paper contributes to the discussion of the Chinese in Australian political life by looking at how the Chinese have fought in the Courts in the post-White Australia era in past decades, and the key features of their unique experiences. This is a different type of political activism, characterising the lives of many Australian Chinese, their engagement with the Australian political system, and becoming part of the background of their identity, transnationality, socio-political attitudes and behaviour and many other traits.


1970 ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

A French colony in the 19th century, Algeria was awakened to the ideas of independence in the early 20th century, particularly after the organization of the FLN (National Liberation Front) in 1930. Women were encouraged to participate in the political struggle but the era of independence did not bring them the liberation they expected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-97
Author(s):  
Virgilijus Pugačiauskas ◽  
Olga Mastianica-Stankevič

In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-81
Author(s):  
Włodzimierz Kaczorowski

Świętosław Orzelski (1549–1598), Starost of Radziejów, actively participated in the political life of the noblemen’s Republic of Poland as a parliamentary activist and Member of Parliament. As a deputy he participated in 13 sessions of Parliament, including 6 sessions during the rule of Stefan Batory and 7 ones in the reign of Sigismund III Vasa. He was a talented politician, continuing the best traditions of the execution faction. As one of the seniors of the Augsburg denomination, he belonged to the group of leaders in the fight for religious tolerance. His historical work under the title Acta interregni post obitum nimirum Sigismundi Augusti remained in the form of manuscript for many years. It was not published in the Polish translation until the 19th century by Włodzimierz Spasowicz, and in its original form by Edward Kuntze in 1917. At present, a new edition of the work by Świętosław Orzelski is being prepared. In the first place, an introductory volume will be published, containing Orzelski’s biography, his speeches and letters dedicated to public matters.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 223-231
Author(s):  
Vadim A. Demin

The article is devoted to the study of the views of Russian liberals and liberal-conservatives on the representative authority in the beginning of the 20th century. It is shown that since the 70-ies of the 19th century all of them supported the transfer to representative authority. By the beginning of the 20th century even moderate liberals could not envisage further development of the country without such reforms. The revolution of 1905 intensified the activity of all social and political movements. Liberal conservatives supported the introduction of advisory representation that was to be elected by the democratized “Zemstva” and that should submit their opinions directly to the Emperor. The liberals pressed for the introduction of the parliament elected by universal, equal, direct and secret voting, that would issue laws, approve the budget and effect political control of the government. The development of political system reforms had bureaucratic and secret character. The demands of liberal society were taken into account only occasionally and only on minor issues. And it became the factor that intensified confrontation of the government and the educated society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 132-138
Author(s):  
Lukáš Hedmeg

At the turn of the 20th century, Slovaks faced new national challenges in the political and social conditions of Austria-Hungary. The Hungarisation efforts of the Hungarian government along with frequent accusations of pan-Slavism motivated a part of Slovak students coming from a nationally conscious environment to leave for studies in the Czech part of the monarchy. From its foundation in 1882, the Detvan association in Prague planned to develop educational and literary activities with an emphasis on the Slovak language and culture. This led to an urgent need for the establishment of the association’s own library, which could be used by its members. The article focuses its attention on the creation and systematic expansion and improvement of the book collection of the Detvan association between 1882 and the end of the 19th century. It primarily deals with the growth, subdivision and genre profiling of the library and, last but not least, also with lending activities, closely associated with that.


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