scholarly journals Referendum as a Stage of the Law Making Process and a Form of Acknowledgment of the People by the "Legislator"

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
Olga A. Fomicheva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Law ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Tomasz Żyro

Liberal culture and practices draw on, and are shaped by, different strands of legal positivism. Within the framework of legal positivism, the emphasis on legal institutions has been displaced by a focus on the institutions which apply the law, such as courts. Legal positivism unambiguously declares that both the very existence of the law and its content depend on social facts rather than on its value. The law is therefore a social construct and the most ‘social’ of all is the state. In this way, the philosophy of law has been dominated by the dispute between those who, following St Augustine, think that ‘an unjust law is not a law at all’ and those who, like John Austin, retort that ‘the existence of the law is one thing, its right character or the lack of it, is another’. The point of departure for liberal practice is the paucity of ethical norms, but most of all, however, the paucity of the practice of law making. Ethical dimension may be applied, at most, to the content of social conventions. Legal positivists long ago gave up on the thesis that moral norms are important only if they are rooted in God’s commandments. Such an attitude toward the law, even if ‘the voice of the people’ is not aware of these implications, leads to relativism, which may be overcome in two ways. The first finds its expression in the need to follow societal changes. Each new state of society means that a new constitution is needed, cut appropriately to that society’s needs and interests. The second reaction to relativism is the effectiveness which is related to the power held by the authorities, in this case the power to make the law. The higher the legal norm, the greater the will of the might. The drafting of a constitution is an expression of the élan vital unbound. In the taxonomy of law, everything is triangular, resembling a triangle upside down, and making for an appearance of order, with the basic law at the top and below it an ocean of acts. Law making becomes a yardstick for political activity. In the world of politics, where the very fact of existence is contingent on being noted and being seen, to act means nothing else than submitting initiatives for new legal acts. To act spectacularly means to change the basic law.


Obiter ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Retselisitsoe Phooko

South Africa’s new constitutional democracy places a duty on various legislators to facilitate public participation in the law-making process as mandated by the principles of participatory democracy provided for in the Constitution of South Africa, 1996. This has resulted in a series of court cases wherein the electorate, inter alia, challenged the legislation on the basis that the results did not reflect the views of the people. The courts’ earlier jurisprudence seemed to be placing more emphasis on participatory democracy as opposed to representative democracy. However, recent court decisions indicate a shift towards representative democracy. The central question presented in this paper is whether the consideration of the views of the public by the provincial and national legislatures is merely a matter of procedure, or that those views are indeed considered in the law-making process. In an attempt to answer this question, the paper will evaluate and critique some of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Appeal decisions on public involvement in either the legislative or law-making process. The argument presented in this discourse is that, if the public’s wishes are considered by the legislature, then the outcome would be influenced by the people’s demands. An otherwise negative outcome shows that public participation in the law-making process is a procedural matter and has no substantive value.


The article discusses the author’s approach to law-making process which is regarded not only as a sequence of certain stages but also as an integral system of law-creating activity of the people and the offiial public power authorities, empowered by it to make a law as a legal instrument of supreme legal effiacy. The author detects and analyzes the following components of law-creating activity: 1) lawmaking process regulatory basis; 2) its levels; 3) types; 4) intraspecifi organizational and legal procedural forms; 5) variants of intraspecifi procedural form; 6) stages; 7) legal procedures of the respective stage; 8) members and subjects; 9) subject and item; 10) principles. Studying the issues of law-making content and structure where it is represented as the uniform integral system increases the law-making activity effiiency in conditions of the federative state functioning where the right to adopt laws is admitted both for the federation on the whole and for its regional subjects. The advanced study of this topic allows unlocking the law-making activity creative potential better, minimizes duplicating on different law-making levels and ensures that the certain historical and social and economic conditions, in which this activity takes place, will be taken into account.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoang Thi Kim Que ◽  
Le Thi Phuong Nga

Since the Constitution in 2013 was enacted, Vietnam has gained important achievements in formulating the legal system that is creating the legal basis for economic, cultural, and social activities and contribute to protecting the rights and interests of the people. However, there are several defects in the law formulation in particular, and the legal system in general. The paper focuses on analyzing the typical weak points and some solutions to overcome disadvantages, ensure the quality and efficiency of law-making activities, meeting current practical requirements


1977 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. N. Allott

This essay is an attempt to investigate, assess and compare the role of the “people” as makers of law in a variety of customary societies in black Africa on the one hand, and in England on the other. The studies that may have been made of this sort of question by lawyers, constitutional experts, sociologists, political scientists and the like have rarely, if ever, contrasted the law-making function of the people in the two types of society. Where such a contrast has been made, it has tended to be limited to the proposition that things are quite different in the two types of society. It will be one of the arguments of this essay that, although the procedures and mechanisms of the law may fundamentally differ if one compares a highly developed, industrialised, literate society such as England with a simpler subsistence pre-literate society such as anciently those of the Ashanti and the Sotho, yet in each society, whatever the forms in which power is exercised or however absolute the authority possessed by those in power, yet the people participate constantly and in a variety of ways in a continuing process of law-making. It will be the task of this paper to isolate, describe and compare those ways.


Obiter ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moses Retselisitsoe Phooko

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 19961 mandates legislatures at various levels of government to ensure public participation in the law-making process. The Constitution, however, does not map out the parameters of public participation as far as the law-making process is concerned. Thus, a number of questions remain largely unanswered. For instance, does public participation merely constitute consulting with the people? Does it, perhaps, go as far as to require the legislature to consider the views of the people? Supposing the views of the people are considered, does public participation suggest that the end results of the consultation process should reflect the views of the people? As the answers to the foregoing questions are far from conclusive, the aim of this paper is to critically examine the nature of the relationship between participatory and representative democracy in the law-making process in order to ascertain how the courts have resolved conflicts that involve the previously mentioned forms of democracy. This will be done through examining various court cases in which their own elected representatives disregarded the views of the electorate. The argument presented in this paper is that participatory and representative democracies are in conflict with each other. The paper further advocates for the adoption of model legislation on public participation in the law-making process.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph G. Lapalombara ◽  
Charles B. Hagan

The United States has now had a half-century's experience with the process customarily denominated direct legislation. The phrase usually means, and is so used here, the power of the electorate to participate in the law-making function by voting for or against particular proposals submitted at regular or special elections. The proposals may have originated in the legislative assembly or they may have been submitted through the action of the electorate. There are other procedural details in which the processes in particular states may vary, but here the concern is with the general operation of the system. Perhaps more attention has been devoted to that situation in which the legislature has the option of submitting a proposal or not as it sees fit. It is not thought, however, that this detail would cause any serious difference in the conclusions that are drawn here or the suggestions that are made.Direct legislation has been associated with the Progressive movement which was active at the turn into the present century. The movement was a protest against a number of activities which were prevalent among the states at that time. One of the protests alleged that the legislatures had become wholly “corrupt” and that consequently it was necessary to “clean” them up. This line of analysis also postulated that the people were “incorrupt” and that if given the opportunity they would “purify” the political activity of their states and even the nation. Direct legislation was looked upon as one of the most significant means by which these goals were to be accomplished.


2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lillian Stevenson

Abstract“Wales, it has to be said, has come a very long way in a short time.” was the opening line by Sir David Lloyd Jones in his speech on, “The Law Commission and Law Reform in a Devolved Wales” to the Wales Governance Centre Annual Lecture in Aberystwyth in March 2013.1 This brief overview by Lillian Stevenson attempts to discuss this statement using selected documents published after the 2011 referendum in which the people of Wales voted in favour of extending the law making powers of the National Assembly.


1911 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elihu Root

The increasing frequency of arbitration and the pressure for a regular court of international justice composed of permanent judges, have given new emphasis to the demand for what is called the codification of international law.The process and the result intended to be described when the term codification is applied to international law involves something very different from the codification of municipal law. The codifier of any part of the law of a nation finds the law with which he is to deal already in existence and authenticated. It may be confused in form and apparently unrelated in its parts: it may be scattered through the statutory enactments of many years and the declarations of a multitude of judicial decisions; the codifier may have to struggle with difficult questions of apparent inconsistency, of doubtful repeal, of obscurities in expression calling for interpretation and construction, and with conflicts of judicial opinion; but the expressions which he considers all come from the same law-making power. Somewhere in the mass of material is to be found the final expression of legislative will, the controlling decision of the courts, and when these are found everything inconsistent with them may be rejected as repealed or overruled. The codifier's task is to find what the rules really are; to put them in due relations to each other under appropriate heads in accordance with some systematic scheme of arrangement; to bring order out of confusion; to furnish a methodical statement of the results of his researches which may make the law plain to the people who live under it and may relieve countless lawyers from the necessity of going through the same wearisome process of inquiry in each separate case. When the work is complete, if it is acceptable, the legislative power of the state puts its stamp of approval upon it and resolves any doubts or uncertainties by its acceptance of the codifier’s conclusions. It may indeed be that the research of the codifier and the clearer view presented by a systematic arrangement will have revealed inadequacies of expression, incongruities, and omissions in the existing law, but, as to these, the suggestions of the codifier for remedying the defects discovered will be accepted or rejected by the single fiat of the legislative body which enacts the code.


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-200
Author(s):  
Muchtar Riva’i ◽  
Darwin Erhandy

The establishment of the KPPU is to control the implementation of the Act. No. 5/1999 on Concerning the Ban on Monopolistic Practices and Unfair Business Competition in Indonesia. Various duties and authority of the KPPU contained in Article 35 and Article 36 of the Act. But in reality, KPPU does not have executorial rights so that the various decisions of the commission often could not be implemented. Therefore internally strengthening of institutional existence by way of amending the Law Commission is very appropriate to be used by the government and parliament agenda. Externally, stakeholder participation is something very urgent and that the KPPU’s strategic optimally capable of performing their duties according to its motto: “Healthy competition Welfare of the people”.


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