No Place for the Mom-and-Pops

Author(s):  
Luis Daniel Gascón ◽  
Aaron Roussell

This chapter extends from the previous, further examining police service delivery with respect to Lakeside’s business community. The authors open with a discussion of the Lakeside Boosters, a police charity where corporations can sponsor CPAB-led events and programs or provide general use funds. The Business Car is the primary unit responsible for all business relations, however SLOs regularly patrol these establishments in the course of their patrol routines. The chapter follows SLO Phil Hackett as he regulates the racial and moral boundaries of local liquor store patrons and sees SLO Marge Sierra advocate for the deservingness of a new 7-Eleven convenience store in the neighborhood, despite public resistance, because its corporate ties ensure elevated security and regulation. She contrasts this store with the area’s Black-owned businesses, whose continuing closures signal a positive shift for the maintenance of social order. The Lakeside Division’s relationship with local businesses, as the authors found, was not unusual. Rather, this is a normative institutional alignment. Coupling community policing with LA’s post-1992 urban redevelopment scheme, Rebuild Los Angeles, ensures that divisions can support local enforcement strategies in a time of declining city budgets, while also maintaining a hospitable environment for business growth.

Author(s):  
David Skarbek

The Puzzle of Prison Order presents a theory of why prisons and prison life vary so much. While many people think prisons are all the same—rows of cells filled with violent men who officials rule with an iron fist, life behind bars varies in incredible ways. In some facilities, prison officials govern with care and attention to prisoners’ needs. In others, officials have remarkably little influence on the everyday life of prisoners, sometimes not even providing necessities like food and clean water. Why does prison social order around the world look so remarkably different? This book shows that how prisons are governed—sometimes by the state and sometimes by the prisoners—is tremendously important. It investigates life in a wide array of facilities—prisons in Brazil, Bolivia, Norway, England and Wales, a prisoner of war camp, women’s prisons in California, and a gay and transgender housing unit in the Los Angeles County Jail—to understand the hierarchy of life on the inside. Drawing on theories from political economy and a vast empirical literature on prison systems, the book offers a framework for understanding how social order evolves and takes root behind bars.


Author(s):  
Mark Padoongpatt

Chapter 5 explores "Thai Town" in East Hollywood (established in 1999) to highlight the role of culinary tourism in Thai American struggles for a right to the global city. It charts the history of Thai Town's development as a product of Thai community leaders, specifically the Thai Community Development Center, and Los Angeles city officials’ attempt to parlay Thai cuisine's popularity into political visibility, civic engagement, social justice activism, and urban redevelopment. While playing on cuisine-driven multiculturalism allowed Thais to use food, specifically culinary tourism, to root identity and community in a physical place, the chapter argues that heritage commodification in Thai Town also constricted a right to the global city, because it was geared toward a neoliberal vision of multiculturalism that sought to highlight the position of Los Angeles in the global capitalist economy. The chapter also includes a discussion of the 1995 El Monte slave-labor case.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Hoekstra ◽  
Joseph Gerteis

Although diversity has become a cherished ideal for Americans, a growing literature suggests that many are also ambivalent about lived experiences of diversity. Focusing on three historically homogeneous neighborhoods in Atlanta, Minneapolis, and Los Angeles, this paper explores the “civic talk” used to express this ambivalence through interrelated frames of social order and civic engagement. In all three neighborhoods, long–term residents and neighborhood association members speak fluently about race, class, and other forms of diversity in their neighborhoods. Yet when they assess who “belongs” in the neighborhoods, the discussion is coded in civic terms. This framing enables neighborhood association members to act as gatekeepers, wielding civic discourse in ways that reinforce traditional neighborhood boundaries and social hierarchies, while maintaining structural inequalities.


Author(s):  
David Bruce

The draft Western Cape Community Safety Bill, introduced in the provincial legislature in February 2012, is part of a broader provincial government initiative to tackle issues of safety in the province. The Bill sets out to concretise the powers allocated to provincial governments by the Constitution. Specific provisions reflect the wish to give effect to Section 206(1) of the Constitution in terms of which provinces are to be consulted in the formulation of national policing policy. But the main focus of the Bill is on provincial policing oversight powers. In line with the Civilian Secretariat for Police Service Act, the Bill aims to formalise the role of the provincial Department of Community Safety as distinct from the provincial secretariat. The Bill provides for inspections to be carried out at police stations by Community Policing Forums (CPF). This aspect of the initiative has the potential to redefine the relationship between CPFs and the police. It is also envisaged that a provincial ombud’s office will be created, in line with provisions of the Constitution, authorising provinces to investigate complaints against police. The Bill is of interest as it provides a model for fuller engagement by provincial governments in policing matters. At the same time the introduction of the draft Bill raises questions about potential political interference that the Bill does not address.


Author(s):  
Nicholas Walrath ◽  
Travis Linnemann

The year 2020 saw police militarization again thrust into debates regarding the nature and extent of police violence. Critics of police militarization suggest that as departments have assumed military weaponry and tactics, the institution has drifted from its original mandate of crime control and public service, portending lethal consequences for the most vulnerable. While these critics trace its origins to the advent of SWAT, No Knock raids and other tactics born of the war on drugs, what is misread as the “blurring” of military and police is in fact symptomatic of a much older process of pacification, whereby both the war power and the police power are enlisted to discipline surplus populations and establish market conditions in the interests of capital. From this position, policing has not been poisoned by the practices of war, nor have the boundaries between foreign and domestic muddied, but rather military and police are mutually constitutive and parts of a continuum of state violence. Here the “iron fist” of open violence and repression and the velvet glove of “community policing” work in conjunction to facilitate the conditions of liberal social order.


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