Two Kinds of Citizens

2021 ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Ken R. Crane

The framing of Arabs and Muslims as potential threats, particularly in the aftermath of the terrorist attack in San Bernardino, increased the vulnerability of Iraqi Muslim women to violent and hostile reactions in public spaces. Orientalist discourses have painted Arabs and Muslims with the brush of incompatibility with US values, in which Arab and Muslim women are racialized as a nonwhite racial Other. The cumulative effect of this intersectionality of religion and gender and public harassment resulted in Muslim Iraqi women questioning their full belonging in the US, leading some to ask, “Are there two kinds of citizens?”

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316801880639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amber E. Boydstun ◽  
Jessica T. Feezell ◽  
Rebecca A. Glazier

When a terrorist attack occurs, a natural response may be increased public concern about terrorism. But when a self-described Muslim perpetrates a terrorist attack, do negative attitudes toward Muslims also increase? If so, is this effect conditional on the nature of people’s past personal experiences with Muslims? We present natural experiment data based on a 2015 web-based survey of 2105 non-Muslims in the US, a survey that happened to span the terrorist attacks in Paris on 13 November and San Bernardino on 2 December. We thus test Americans’ feelings toward Muslims immediately before and after both an international and a domestic terrorist attack. We find that, although the attacks significantly affected Americans’ concerns about radicalism both in the US and abroad, they did not negatively affect Americans’ thermometer feelings toward Muslims in the aggregate—a null finding conditioned only slightly by the nature of past personal experiences with Muslims.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dylan Ziehme

On December 2, 2015, two self-radicalized terrorists carried out the deadliest terrorist attack on US soil since the September 11th attacks, which remained the deadliest until the attack in Orlando. President Barack Obama made several statements in the days following the attack, and the way he addresses the nation in a time of crisis is of great significance due to the fragile emotional state of the public. Much can be learned from these statements about the President’s priorities in the wake of an attack. His views about the people who commit these acts of terror, the religion they claim to follow, and securing the country are all very apparent in these public addresses. Among Obama’s top priorities following a terrorist attack are reassuring the public and gaining their trust and support, characterizing the attackers and explaining their motivations, presenting a plan for recovery and prevention, and insisting that the US is not at war with Islam. Evaluating the effectiveness of these statements for gaining support for proposed policies and general approval provides useful insight into the President’s rhetorical strategies. President Obama successfully conveys his thoughts about Islam, terrorism, and mass shootings, but does not effectively gain support for his proposed policy changes. // A final research paper for the course COMM 3676W - Communicating Terrorism at the University of Minnesota – Twin Cities, finalized on December 19, 2016 and presented at the University of St. Thomas Undergraduate Communication Research Conference on a panel titles "Looming War and Terror: Uniting People Through Rhetoric" on March 31, 2017.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khatidja Chantler ◽  
Geetanjali Gangoli ◽  
Ravi K. Thiara

This article examines how the marginality of Muslim communities in India and the UK intersects with gender based violence (GBV) in Muslim communities. We briefly outline the socio-economic positioning of Muslims and then move on to (i) discuss communalism in India and radicalisation in the UK and (ii) consider personal laws in India and the call to Sharia law in the UK to elucidate the ways in which these wider policies, legislation and discourses impact on Muslim women experiencing GBV in both contexts. We conclude that there is a continuum between state responses and community responses, and personal and criminal law in entrenching GBV at a structural and interpersonal level in both India and the UK and that the current socio-political context further limits public spaces available to Muslim women to access support for GBV.


2021 ◽  
pp. 048661342098262
Author(s):  
Tyler Saxon

In the United States, the military is the primary channel through which many are able to obtain supports traditionally provided by the welfare state, such as access to higher education, job training, employment, health care, and so on. However, due to the nature of the military as a highly gendered institution, these social welfare functions are not as accessible for women as they are for men. This amounts to a highly gender-biased state spending pattern that subsidizes substantially more human capital development for men than for women, effectively reinforcing women’s subordinate status in the US economy. JEL classification: B54, B52, Z13


Ethnicities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146879682110018
Author(s):  
Sheymaa Ali Nurein ◽  
Humera Iqbal

Young Black Muslim Women (BMW) have complex, intersectional identities and exist at the margins of various identity groupings. Given this, members of the community can face societal relegation across, not only race and gender lines, but across religious ones, too. This paper explores the lived experiences of intragroup discrimination, identity and belonging in 11 young Black Muslim Women in the United Kingdom. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants and thematically analysed through the lens of intersectionality. The use of an intersectional framework facilitated an understanding of the manner in which the sample was multiply marginalised. Two key themes emerged from the interviews: firstly, around experiences of intragroup and intersectional discrimination and, secondly, around the challenges of responding to and coping with the negative effects of such discrimination. Participants discussed the cross-cutting nature through which they faced discrimination: from within the Black community; from within the Muslim community; and as a result of their gender. The non-exclusivity of these three identities result in constant encounters of discrimination along different dimensions to their personal identity. They also developed diverse means of coping with this marginalisation including drawing from religious beliefs and mobile identifications, i.e. performing different aspects of their identities in different contexts. The present study contributes to existing knowledge in its focus on an under-researched group and emphasises the negative effects of intragroup discrimination. The paper importantly highlights the diversity within the Black community and considers the (in)visibility of Black Muslim Women within society.


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