scholarly journals Homossexuais: entre as conquistas e a força conservadora dos preconceitos

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Maria Cecília de Souza Minayo ◽  
Renan Antônio Silva

O objetivo deste ensaio é demonstrar o estado do conhecimento sobre a inclusão da população LGBT nas sociedades ocidentais, dentre as quais, a brasileira. Recorre-se à literatura nacional e internacional para esta discussão que tem como conceito central a homofobia e como foco estratégico a análise dos movimentos sociais e das políticas a favor dos direitos desse grupo. A busca pelo respeito e pela dignidade homossexual passa pela criação de leis, movimentos e manifestos populares, pois a aceitação do “diferente” é o principal fator para a efetivação de garantias de direitos desse segmento social. A literatura mostra que países da Europa e das Américas têmcaminhado cada vez mais para o reconhecimento da igualdade dedireitos civis para a população LGBT. Mas demonstra, também, as inúmeras diferenças nas conquistas e situações pelo mundo afora. Inclusive, assinala que até hoje persistem perseguições, torturas e mortes que ocorrem ofi cialmente nos regimes políticos autoritários, mas também, nas democracias. A educação tem um papel especialvisando à mudança cultural, cabendo-lhe, mais que ensinar matérias, incentivar a convivência, o diálogo, e os projetos que promovam a riqueza da diversidade humana.Palavras-chave: Homossexualidade. Homofobia. Sexualidade. Homosexuals: between the conquests and the conservative force of prejudicesABSTRACTThe objective of this essay is to demonstrate the state of knowledge about the inclusion of the LGBT population in Western societies, among which, Brazilian. It is used the national and international literature for this discussion that has as central concept homophobia and as strategic focus, the analysis of the social movements and the politics in favor of the rights of this group. The search for respect and homosexual dignity involves the creation of laws, movements and popular manifesto, since the acceptance of the “diff erent” is the main factor for the realization of rights guarantees of this social segment. The literature shows that countries in Europe and the Americas have increasingly moved towards the recognition of equal civil rights for the LGBT population. But, it also demonstrates the innumerable diff erences in achievements and situations around the world. It even points out that persecution, torture and death continue to occur offi cially in the authoritarian political regimes, but also in the democracies. Education has a special role for cultural change, and it is incumbent upon it, rather than teaching subjects, to encourage coexistence, dialogue and projects that promote the richness of human diversity.Keywords: Homosexuality. Homophobia. Sexuality. Homosexuales: entre conquistas y la fuerza conservadora de los prejuiciosRESUMENEl objetivo de este ensayo es demostrar el estado de conocimiento sobre la inclusión de la población LGBT en las sociedades occidentales, entre las cuales, la brasileña. Se recurre a la literatura nacional e internacional para esta discusión que tiene como concepto central la homofobia y como foco estratégico el análisis de los movimientos sociales y de las políticas a favor de los derechos de dicho grupo. La busca por el respeto y por la dignidad homosexual pasa por la creación de leyes, movimientos y manifi estos populares, pues la aceptación del “diferente” es el principal factor para la efectuación de garantías de derechos de ese grupo social. La literatura muestra que países de Europa y de las Américas han caminado cada vez más para el reconocimiento de la igualdad de derechos civiles para la población LGBT. Pero demuestra, también, las innúmeras diferencias en las conquistas y situaciones por el mundo afuera. Incluso, señala que hasta hoy persisten persecuciones, torturas y muertes que ocurren ofi cialmente en los regímenes políticos autoritarios y también en las democracias. La educación juega un papel esencial para alcanzar el cambio cultural, cabiéndole más que enseñar asignaturas, incentivar la convivencia, el diálogo y los proyectos que promuevan la riqueza de la diversidad humana.Palabras clave: Homosexualidad. Homofobia. Sexualidad.

2020 ◽  
pp. 87-111
Author(s):  
Michael Goldfield

Chapter 3 looks at the social movements of the 1930s and 1940s, their historical uniqueness, and how they gave support to and magnified the strength of labor movements, especially in the South—a distinguishing feature of this era. First and foremost were the struggles of the unemployed, led mostly by leftists, often Communists. The chapter also looks at the role of farmers, sharecroppers, and tenants, as well as the special role of civil rights organizations, north and south.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Elizabeth Vickery

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how African-American women, both individually and collectively, were subjected to both racism and sexism when participating within civil rights organizations. Design/methodology/approach Because of the intersection of their identities as both African and American women, their experiences participating and organizing within multiple movements were shaped by racism and patriarchy that left them outside of the realm of leadership. Findings A discussion on the importance of teaching social studies through an intersectional lens that personifies individuals and communities traditionally silenced within the social studies curriculum follows. Originality/value The aim is to teach students to adopt a more inclusive and complex view of the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-143
Author(s):  
Vania Markarian

This paper – focused on a deep analysis of the student movement that occupied the streets of Montevideo in 1968 – aims at proposing some analytical lines to understand this and other contemporary cycles of protest in different places of the world. After locating these events in a wide geography characterized both by political acceleration and the dramatic display of cultural change, four relevant themes in the growing body of literature on the «global Sixties» are raised. First, it is addressed the relationship between social movements and groups or political parties in these «short cycles» of protest. Second, the idea that violence was rather a catalyzer of political innovation rather than the result of political polarization is proposed. Third, it breaks down the diversity of possible links between culture, in a broad sense, and the forms of political participation in youth mobilizations. Finally, it can be more rewarding to look at different scales of analysis of these processes, from the strictly national to the transnational circulation of ideas and people.


Author(s):  
Walid Jumblatt Abdullah

The second chapter is a literature review. The first section tackles the different theological positions Muslim scholars have posited with regard to activism. This is important as we find that some of these stances guide, or are used to justify, the various forms of activism. I further discuss the types of Muslim activists, and the social movement literature, in order to ground the findings of this book within a field of study. The idea is that the book should be relevant beyond Singapore or even Islamic studies, and locating the book within the literature of social movements serves this purpose.


Author(s):  
Christian Welzel ◽  
Ronald Inglehart

This chapter examines the role that the concept of political culture plays in comparative politics. In particular, it considers how the political culture field increases our understanding of the social roots of democracy and how these roots are transforming through cultural change. In analysing the inspirational forces of democracy, key propositions of the political culture approach are compared with those of the political economy approach. The chapter first provides and overview of cultural differences around the world before tracing the historical roots of the political culture concept. It then tackles the question of citizens' democratic maturity and describes the allegiance model of the democratic citizen. It also explores party–voter dealignment, the assertive model of the democratic citizen, and political culture in non-democracies. It concludes with an assessment of how trust, confidence, and social capital increase a society's capacity for collective action.


Author(s):  
Amit Ahuja

In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.


Societies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Hank Johnston

Student and youth groups are often vanguard actors in turbulent times. This article proposes that when they are part of broader social movements, they can introduce strong age-cohort influences in a movement’s development. These influences derive from the balance between youths and adults in a movement and their interrelationships, especially over the long term when demands remain unanswered by the state. Other influences include resource availability, which tends to cluster with older generations, tactical specialization according to age cohorts, and the tendency of groups with younger members to be willing to take greater risks, be more passionate in their demands, and more militant in their tactics. In this report, we identified several empirically recognized cognitive dimensions relevant to youthful participation: (1) identity search, (2) risk taking, (3) emotionality, and (4) cognitive triggering. These cognitive factors of late adolescence and early adulthood can energize a movement when young cohorts participate but also run the risk of alienating older members and public opinion. We discussed how mass movements for political and/or cultural change are frequently intergenerational and how intergenerational relations can mitigate the inward-turning and militant tendencies of young adults. In broad movements for social change, these relations can create a division of labor in which students are the vanguard actors and the older members mobilize the social and material resources available to them. Under other conditions, youth and student groups wield a two-edged sword with the capability of energizing a movement or alienating older cohorts of militants and public opinion.


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