scholarly journals Bipolar Disorder in Statehood: is China “Dr. Jekyll” or “Mr. Hyde” or Both?

Author(s):  
David A. Jones

American and Chinese interests seem to be at one time in agreement and at another at loggerheads over issues that involve armed services, diplomacy, economics, human rights, intelligence, trade and culture. Part of what may appear to be a growing déracinement, or mutual disenchantment, arising from diverse viewpoints over infrastructure development globally but especially in sensitive developing areas such as the stand-off in the South China Sea and elsewhere along the Pacific coastline of Southeast Asia, and the Western Pacific Rim. China seems to be reconstructing its ancient feudal empire, actual or imaginary, in the territory to its South, the ASEAN bloc. This article will address some issues of compatibility and conflict that unite China but that sometimes divide it from the United States and the West, then assesses what alternative strategies should be adopted or abandoned in the interests of global and regional harmony coupled with security. It urges greater cooperation and collaboration, a development of a code of conduct for state behavior in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region, together with a concerted East–West effort to maintain a stable economy for China and a sustainable trade relationship between China, Europe, and North America.

Author(s):  
D. V. Suslov

Both Russia and the United States consider the Asia-Pacific as the center of the world economy and politics and assume the active presence in the region crucial for their security and economic development. They did not have such sharp contradictions there as in Europe or in the post-Soviet space. Moreover, some of their interests in the Asia-Pacific Region coincide – such as preventing Chinese hegemony. In this regard, the Russian-American dialogue and cooperation in the Asia-Pacific could be an important pillar of the positive agenda of their relations and a factor in their sustainability. Due to foreign policy inertia, the inflexibility of the agenda of Russian-American relations and the inability of the parties to go beyond the usual pattern, such a dialogue has not even begun. Both sides demonstrated strategic myopia. This weakened the resilience of US-Russian relations in the face of new challenges and accelerated their deterioration and disruption to a new confrontation. The Asia-Pacific has become another theater of the US-Russian systemic confrontation. However, it is in the interest of bothRussia and the United States to separate relations in this region from their general confrontation. This will create favorable conditions for Russia to build a balanced partnership system in the Asia-Pacific, which is necessary to consolidate its role as an independent global great power. In addition, the Russian-American dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, or at least the weakening of their confrontation in this region, will reduce its polarization and prevent tensions between the US and its Asian allies and partners.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Halaevalu F.O. Vakalahi

The existing written literature on Pacific people is generally limited and available information is often incomplete, inaccurate or outdated. In many geographical locations, including the United States, literature focusing specifically on Pacific people is extremely sparse because it is often subsumed within broader coverage of people throughout the Asia-Pacific region. As such, the experiences are often trivialised. The Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology is filling gaps in contemporary psychology. It is exposing the world to the phenomenally rich and diverse cultures and people of the Pacific Rim. This is not only groundbreaking; it is also a form of social justice work. It advocates the use of a cultural lens in viewing the world and human behaviour; in this case a Pacific-culture lens that emphasises inclusivity, collectivity and reciprocity. Helping to promote a social justice movement that celebrates and honours the rich and extraordinarily diverse region of the Pacific will continue to contribute to the betterment of research, services and programming in today's diverse society. Furthermore, it will contribute to the journal's quest to become a preferred forum for the ??First People of the Pacific inside and outside of their Pacific home.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 334-367
Author(s):  
Nicholas Evan Sarantakes

The Battle of Okinawa was the last major ground battle of World War ii. The Tenth u.s. Army that invaded this small piece of Japan was a unique force composed of units from the u.s. Army and others from the u.s. Marine Corps. Much historical literature has focused on the different approaches to ground combat of the two armed services, but they also employed very different policies towards support of the news media. The u.s. Marines were much more supportive than the u.s. Army. The two different policies and styles of news coverage that reporters employed led to coverage favoring the u.s. Marines. Reporting suggested that u.s. Marine procedures were less costly in lives and created enormous concern in the United States about casualty rates, motivating President Harry S. Truman to hold an Oval Office meeting to re-think strategy in the Pacific theater. It would be wrong, though, to argue that the media altered the course of the war. Truman asked hard probing questions about the direction of the war, but General of the Army George C. Marshall acted to ensure that the United States stayed on its current strategic path.


Subject ASEAN-US defence and security ties outlook. Significance The 'Shangri-La Dialogue' held in Singapore between May 29 and 31 evidenced the growing China-US divide over the South China Sea, particularly over China's island-building activities. The frictions will be revisited at the ASEAN Regional Forum, in Malaysia on June 10. Burgeoning tensions in the South China Sea increase pressure on South-east Asian countries, and ASEAN, to maintain equilibrium in relations with China and the United States as individual ASEAN countries pursue their own maritime interests. Impacts The Philippines will seek further US defence support, and develop security ties with Vietnam and Japan. Singapore will push for a South China Sea code of conduct, but China is unlikely to consent to a binding code. US Pacific Command leadership will provide some US strategy continuity in the Asia-Pacific region.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Peter Mauch

This essay reproduces in its entirety a translated version of a hitherto neglected document from 1941, entitled “Armed Services’ and Foreign Ministry’s Revised Draft, April 21.” The revisions pertain to the so-called “Draft Understanding between Japan and the United States,” a plan for peace in the Pacific which Ambassador Nomura Kichisaburō submitted to U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull on 14 April, and then to Japanese Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro on 17 April. The revisions – or, to be more exact, the scarcity of revisions – suggest that even the Imperial Japanese Army viewed the Draft Understanding with an equanimity that has escaped previous scholarship. In so doing, the reproduced document raises important questions about the gulf separating Japan’s armed services and hardline Foreign Minister Matsuoka Yōsuke.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-89
Author(s):  
Halaevalu F.O. Vakalahi

The existing written literature on Pacific people is generally limited and available information is often incomplete, inaccurate or outdated. In many geographical locations, including the United States, literature focusing specifically on Pacific people is extremely sparse because it is often subsumed within broader coverage of people throughout the Asia-Pacific region. As such, the experiences are often trivialised. The Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology is filling gaps in contemporary psychology. It is exposing the world to the phenomenally rich and diverse cultures and people of the Pacific Rim. This is not only groundbreaking; it is also a form of social justice work. It advocates the use of a cultural lens in viewing the world and human behaviour; in this case a Pacific-culture lens that emphasises inclusivity, collectivity and reciprocity. Helping to promote a social justice movement that celebrates and honours the rich and extraordinarily diverse region of the Pacific will continue to contribute to the betterment of research, services and programming in today's diverse society. Furthermore, it will contribute to the journal's quest to become a preferred forum for the ??First People of the Pacific inside and outside of their Pacific home.


Author(s):  
D. P. Novikov

The article is devoted to the problems of the development of modern relations of Russia, China and the  Pacific states of Latin America. Author focuses on potential of cooperation of these states in multilateral  formats and dialogues and the reform of the economic and institutional order in the Asia-Pacific. The  relevance of such cooperation is increasing due to the crisis of the international order that has emerged  in the Asia-Pacific region. This crisis manifests itself in two aspects. First, we may observe a certain lack  of institutions of regulation of economic relations and ideas for their further development. Such a  complex agenda is shaped by Russia and China in relation to Eurasia (the concept of “Greater Eurasia”),  but the promotion of a similar agenda in the APEC faces many contradictions. Second, the Asia-Pacific region is becoming an area of confrontation between the United States and China, which is also  manifested in the struggle for the future configuration of the regional order in the region. The Pacific  countries of Latin America were not affected by either the Russian or Chinese mega-initiatives of recent  years, which are aimed precisely at creating a new international order. Meanwhile, these countries are  APEC members and participants in many regional initiatives, as well as potentially significant economic  partners for both Russia and China. Moreover, the author believes that a similar level of economic  development and similar needs objectively bring together the views and approaches of the leading  Eurasian powers and the Pacific states of Latin America to the development of multilateral institutions of  the regional order. However, the historically established institutional and political linkage of these  countries to the United States currently determines their support for American initiatives. This provision, however, is not a given, and some irregularity of the American regional policy under the Trump  administration makes the development of dialogue with these countries on the broad problems of  multilateral cooperation in Eurasia and the Asia-Pacific region even more in demand. The author  considers the proposed analysis and some conclusions as an opportunity for academic and expert  discussion on the identified issues. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
SANJAY SUBRAHMANYAM

It is now widely rumoured that the ‘Asian century’ is upon us. But what does this really mean? As late as 1988, Deng Xiaoping—in remarks made before the Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi—expressed some scepticism about the facility of the formulation. As Deng stated then:In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the ‘four little dragons’, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. (. . .) But the population of China and India adds up to 1.8 billion. Unless those two countries are developed, there will be no Asian century. No genuine Asia-Pacific century or Asian century can come until China, India and other neighbouring countries are developed. By the same token, there could be no Latin-American century without a developed Brazil. We should therefore regard the problem of development as one that concerns all mankind and study and solve it on that level. Only thus will we recognize that it is the responsibility not just of the developing countries but also of the developed countries.Whatever the doubts about his standing as a Marxist, then, we may say that Deng remained resolutely universalist in his perspective, at least outwardly.


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