scholarly journals Amerykańskie wojska inżynieryjne w konflikcie wietnamskim 1964–1975

Author(s):  
Robert Pietrygała ◽  
Zdzisław Cutter

The article focuses on the period of the Vietnam War, with particular emphasis on the role played by engineering troops (as a necessary component of individual tactical associations, and a guarantee of success of military operations conducted by the US army). The paper presents the engineering troops’ efforts to build military infrastructure, as well as the assistance provided to the South Vietnamese society. The article contains a list of all engineering units of the American army involved in the Vietnamese conflict, their organizational structure, personnel status, dislocation, as well as the scope of tasks assigned to them. In addition, it shows the cooperation between engineering units and civil contractors at the service of the army (especially in the period preceding the direct involvement of the United States in the war).

Author(s):  
David Luhrssen

Vietnam was the focal point of a larger set of conflicts that broke out in Indo-China in 1945 and resulted by 1975 with Cambodia and Laos as well as Vietnam falling under the rule of various Communist parties. The first Vietnam War (1945–1954) pitted French colonists and their local allies against Vietnamese Communist rebels. It ended with the French withdrawal from Indo-China and the partition of Vietnam into two states, Communist North Vietnam and pro-Western South Vietnam. In the second Vietnam War (1955–1975), North Vietnam and Communist rebels in the south fought against the US-backed South Vietnamese regime. No conflict in American history since the Civil War was as divisive as Vietnam, yet the war was widely supported until US ground forces entered the fray (1965). Mounting casualties and the threat of conscription fueled a growing antiwar movement that forced Washington to find a way out of the war. After the United States withdrew in 1973, Communist forces overran South Vietnam and reunited the country under their rule in 1975. Films about the Vietnam War were produced in both North and South Vietnam, the Soviet Union (which armed the North) and South Korea and Australia (both dispatched troops to support the South). With few exceptions, many were seldom seen outside their lands of origin. With Hollywood’s dominance of movie markets in much of the world, American stories about the war dominated the imagination of moviegoers in the United States and most other countries. Hollywood took only slight interest in Vietnam during the war’s early years. The first major motion picture about American combat in Vietnam, John’s Wayne’s pro-war The Green Berets (1968), was a box-office hit but universally derided by critics. With the war’s increasing unpopularity and unsuccessful conclusion, the subject was deemed “box-office poison” by the studios for several years. By the late 1970s a rising generation of filmmakers embraced Vietnam as material for displaying American heroism, explaining the US defeat or exploring the ethical basis for war. The commercial breakthrough for Vietnam War movies was achieved by director Sidney Furie’s The Boys in Company C (1978), Michael Cimino’s The Deer Hunter (1978), and Francis Ford Coppola’s Apocalypse Now (1979). Each reflected in different ways America’s disillusionment and the physical and psychological toll charged to the men who served in the conflict. The theme continued with Platoon (1986), directed by a Vietnam combat veteran, Oliver Stone. A counter-trend appeared with Sylvester Stallone’s Rambo series (1982–2019), which amplified the resurgent nationalism that began under the Reagan administration. Providing a third perspective, Stanley Kubrick’s Full Metal Jacket (1987) presented the war unemotionally as a fact of history. In the 21st century, movies on the Vietnam War continue to be made, if in diminished number. Characteristic of recent films, We Were Soldiers (2002) validates the experience of US servicemen while honoring the heroism of the enemy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-81
Author(s):  
Phuong Vu Thu Nguyen

The end of World War II led to fundamental changes in the international situation, posing problems for the victor nations which had to abandon the colonial system outdated and inconsistent with objectives. However, giving up interests in the colonies seemed hardly possible for the capitalist powers. France plotted to return to Vietnam to restore colonial rule. The USA went from having no interest in the return of France to backing France, and finally exerting deep intervention and direct involvement in the Vietnam War. This paper gives an outline of the United States involvement in Vietnam from 1950 to 1959.


Author(s):  
John A. Bonin

This chapter discusses how the US Army since 11 September 2001 has had to face the harsh reality that the complexities of the employment of landpower in modern warfare, especially with allies, require large staffs in its headquarters. However, the leaders of the Department of Defense and the Army are often at odds with that reality, as the United States frequently seeks to focus on combat units at the expense of "unnecessary overhead," especially in its theater army headquarters. In addition, the Army found itself wholly unpreparedforthese headquarters to provide contractors for the unprecedented level and complexity of support utilized in recent military operations. As the Army continues adapting to the current environment, it must heed insights from the past sixteen years of conflict. The Army must ensure that it is not exacerbating the problem of employing landpower by eliminating the brains of an army, its essential land component command headquarters capabilities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-150
Author(s):  
Ivo Maes

In 1951, Robert Triffin became a professor at Yale. By the end of the 1950s, Triffin became more and more worried about the international reserve position of the United States due to the country’s gold losses and the increase in dollar liabilities. In his view, the continued deterioration in the US net reserve position would undermine foreigners’ confidence in the dollar as a safe medium for reserve accumulation. So, the gold exchange standard was not sustainable, as argued in his famous dilemma. Triffin thus established his reputation as the Cassandra who predicted the end of Bretton Woods. However, he was an optimistic Cassandra. He sought a more international solution for the world liquidity problem, a true internationalization of the foreign exchange component of the world’s international reserves. This chapter also pays attention to life in Yale and Triffin’s reaction to the Vietnam War.


2020 ◽  
pp. 281-312
Author(s):  
Craig Jones

This concluding chapter places the US–Israel approach to targeting in international context and reflects on the limits, possibilities, and future of juridical warfare. It argues that while other NATO states employ military lawyers in targeting, notably in US-led military coalitions, they have generally taken a more restrictive interpretation of the laws of war than the United States or Israel. Juridification is an uneven process: not all states are equally invested in its language or practice. Drawing on the examples of Syria and Yemen, the chapter shows how juridification today (its presence and absence) is conditioned by the retreat of multilateralism. The chapter also reflects on controversies concerning lawfare and humanitarianism. In an era of ‘irresponsible politics’, it asks what the rehabilitation of war might mean for the revival of an antiwar politics (as opposed to single issue campaigns against drones or torture, for example) as was mobilized against the Vietnam War.


2005 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER T. FISHER

The literature on U.S. participation in the Vietnam War has recently undergone a quiet revolution due to use of the concept of nation building. Since the early 1950s nation building has been the subtext, if not the excuse, for U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia, but in the last ten years it has also become useful as a method of inquiry. This article contends that new insights regarding the signi�cance of ideologies and paradigms, particularly modernization theory, enabled the transformation. Understanding modernization theory as an ideology broke with the tradition among diplomatic historians that minimized the role of ideas in policy decisions. It also settled longstanding questions about the nature of paci�cation as either development or counterinsurgency: Counterinsurgency and development were simply different expressions of the same impulse for the United States and the South Vietnamese.


Author(s):  
Baturay Yurtbay

The Vietnam War killed and wounded many soldiers and civilians. US foreign policy began to shift after the War’s, end including discussions on the level of power to be used for future wars or conflicts. The United States experienced considerable anxiety over its failures in Vietnam, which was coined the Vietnam Syndrome by the media and various political sciences scholars. The Gulf War, the first serious use of US military power after the Vietnam War, began with discussions about the suitable use of force and how the Vietnam War Syndrome could be overcome. While the Vietnam War was a huge failure for the United States, it also paved the way for new discussions on US foreign policy dealing with appropriate use of force, including last resort uses and US vital interests. These discussions are considered as the corner stone for the US success in the Gulf War. This study will briefly explain the effects and consequences of the Vietnam War and the Gulf War as well as analyse US foreign policy discussions between the Vietnam War and the Gulf War. While examining US foreign policy and the US intervention in the Gulf War, this research will mainly focus on the Shultz doctrine and the Weinberger doctrine. This study will show that the Vietnam War started many discussions on  the use of  force and its application in future wars that were part of the US Gulf War military strategy. Even though the United States experienced failure in the Vietnam War, the lessons taken helped to govern future conflicts and the most important clues were seen in the Gulf War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


Author(s):  
D.B. Izyumov ◽  
E.L. Kondratyuk

The article discusses issues related to the development and use of training means and facilities in order to improve the level of training of US Army personnel. An overview of the main simulators used in the US Armed Forces at present is given, and the prospects for the development of the United States in this area are presented.


1981 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 47-50
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Rips

What was known in the United States as the ‘underground press’ – self-published newspapers of the youth counterculture sold at street corners and around campuses in American cities during the 1960s and early 70 s – was once a significant network estimated at over 400 publications. Their hallmark was opposition to US involvement in the Vietnam War, criticism of the authorities, of uncontrolled technology and big business, advocacy of sexual freedom and artistic experimentation and, frequently, the advocacy of marijuana, LSD and other psychedelic drugs. Few of these publications have survived the past ten years, and their disappearance has been variously attributed to the cooling of radical interest after the American withdrawal from Vietnam, as well as to the vague and shifting nature of the ‘hippie’ scene. Complaints by their publishers during the early and mid-seventies that printers refused their business, that office rents suddenly doubled, that advertising was cancelled, that papers were lost – these were seen as local accidents and were rarely reported by the established media. Claims of official or officially-sanctioned harassment were dismissed – even by fellow radicals – as paranoid. Recent research by Geoffrey Rips of the PEN American Center has revealed the extent and variety of official pressure exerted against alternative publications during the Vietnam War period. Using evidence from government hearings like the Church Committee, which reported in 1976, actual FBI documents released to American PEN under the Freedom of Information Act, and other sources, Mr Rips argues that such harassment contributed materially to the closure of certain publications and in general terms constituted a gross infringement on the protection afforded to dissenting opinion and to a free press under the US constitution. We publish edited extracts here from Geoffrey Rips' report which will be published in full by the PEN American Center and the City Lights Press.


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