scholarly journals Corredores y territorios estratégicos del conflicto armado colombiano: una prioridad por territorializar en la geopolítica de los actores armados / Strategic corridors and territories in the colombian armed conflict: a priority for territorializing for

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-36
Author(s):  
Luis Gabriel Salas Salazar
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
The Political ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Multi Scale ◽  
Regional Process ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Armed Actors

Los recientes estudios e investigaciones del conflicto armado en Colombia han hecho referencia a la posible existencia de corredores y territorios estratégicos, no obstante, no han ofrecido evidencias concretas de su existencia, ni mucho menos han logrado caracterizar su territorialidad. El trabajo investigativo que aquí se presenta tuvo como objetivo analizar e interpretar la dinámica de las territorialidades de los corredores y territorios estratégicos de los actores del conflicto armado colombiano, en el periodo 1990-2009, desde una perspectiva de la Geografía Política. Las evidencias empíricas de esta investigación permiten establecer que la dinámica de las territorialidades de estos espacios estratégicos del conflicto armado colombiano se ha desplegado a través de tres niveles: en el nacional, en el regional y en el subregional-local. Para cada uno de ellos existe una dinámica territorial, en donde los actores armados han configurando una condición multiescalar de las territorialidades de los corredores y territoriosgeoestratégicos en Colombia.Palabras clave: Colombia, Conflicto Armado, Corredores Estratégicos,Geopolítica, Territorios estratégicos. Abstract Recent studies and investigations of the armed conflict in Colombia have made reference to the possible existence of corridors and strategic territories. However, have not offered concrete evidence of their existence, much less have they managed to characterize its territoriality. This researchwork’s aim is to analyze and interpret the dynamics of the corridors’ territories, as well as the Colombian armed actors’ strategic areas during the period of 1990-2009, from the Political Geography perspective. Empirical evidence from this research allows us to establish that the dynamics of the territoriality of these strategic areas of the armed conflictin Colombia, have been deployed across three levels: national, regional and local sub-regional. For each, there is a regional process, where armed groups have been setting up a multi-scale status of the corridors’ territories and geo-strategic areas in Colombia.Keywords:Armed Conflict, Strategic Corridors, Colombia, Geopolitical,Strategic territory.

Transitional Justice and Victims' Rights before the End of a Conflict: The Unusual Case of Colombia

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEMIMA GARCÍA-GODOS ◽  
KNUT ANDREAS O. LID
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Unusual Case ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Clear Link ◽  
The Law ◽  
Armed Actors

AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.

scholarly journals Reclutamiento de migrantes en la frontera colombo-venezolana

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Diego Alejandro Pérez Rivera
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Academic Information ◽  
Drug Traffickers ◽  
Armed Actors

Recruitment has been a phenomenon present in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. Thus, illegal armed groups (ELN, dissent from the former FARC, paramilitary groups, drug traffickers, among others) have seen migration as an opportunity to increase the number of members in their ranks. Thus, the exodus of Venezuelans has become an attractive phenomenon for recruitment where armed groups take advantage of irregular dynamics and socio-territorial complexities to increase the range of action of attacks, fighting and presence. That said, the research question is: How has the flow of Venezuelan migrants on the Colombian-Venezuelan border contributed to the strengthening of illegal armed actors? Due to the lack of academic information, the investigation will use as collection instruments: interviews with academics, decision makers and journalistic work.

scholarly journals To engage or not to engage Haiti’s urban armed groups? Safe access in disaster-stricken and conflict-affected cities

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 425-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moritz Schuberth
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
International Agencies ◽  
Humanitarian Response ◽  
Major Development ◽  
Humanitarian Crises ◽  
Development Agencies ◽  
Safe Access ◽  
Armed Actors

International agencies responding to humanitarian crises in cities are increasingly faced with urban armed groups controlling neighbourhoods where the most vulnerable sections of society are located. In such settings, it is not clear how to deliver aid to those who need it the most without further strengthening predatory armed actors. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Haiti, this article contributes to the emerging debate on the engagement of non-state armed groups in the context of disaster-stricken and conflict-affected cities, by presenting new empirical evidence on how humanitarian and development actors negotiate safe access in Port-au-Prince’s gang-ruled neighbourhoods in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. While some major development agencies have struggled to minimize the unintended – yet potentially harmful – consequences of their activities for beneficiaries, the approach of the Brazilian NGO Viva Rio offers important lessons for more effective humanitarian response to urban crises in comparable contexts.

Obstruction and intimidation of peacekeepers: How armed actors undermine civilian protection efforts

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allard Duursma
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Effective Strategy ◽  
Anecdotal Evidence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Civilian Protection ◽  
Operational Space ◽  
Random Occurrence ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions ◽  
Armed Actors

While recent research focuses on why conflict parties attack peacekeepers, little attention has been given to other types of resistance against peacekeeping missions, such as intimidation and obstruction. It is argued in this article that one reason why peacekeepers are obstructed and intimidated is that armed actors that target civilians want to maintain the operational space to carry out attacks against civilians and want to prevent peacekeepers from monitoring human rights violations. A spatially and temporally disaggregated analysis on resistance against peacekeepers in Darfur between January 2008 and April 2009 indeed suggests that the intimidation and obstruction of peacekeepers is more likely to take place in areas with higher levels of violence against civilians. The findings hold when taking into account the non-random occurrence of violence against civilians through matching the data. Finally, anecdotal evidence from other sites of armed conflict than Darfur suggests that resistance against peacekeepers in these cases is also likely to be related to the targeting of civilians. This suggest that in order to be effective in protecting civilians, peace missions should not only be robust as highlighted in previous research, but peace missions should also develop an effective strategy to deal with armed groups that try to prevent peacekeepers from fulfilling their mandate.

scholarly journals The Interplay Between International Humanitarian Law, Terrorism and the “Foreign Terrorist Fighter” Regime

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 307-310
Author(s):  
Sandra Krähenmann
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Legal Regime ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Natural Connection ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Armed Actors

There seems to be a natural connection between armed conflict and terrorism: both involve acts of violence by nonstate armed actors. The acts of armed groups during armed conflicts are frequently labeled as acts of terrorism. Similarly, both international humanitarian law (IHL) and the international legal regime governing terrorism address acts of violence committed by nonstate armed actors. Yet, these superficial similarities obscure the significant conceptual differences between acts of violence in armed conflicts and those outside armed conflicts as well as the differences in the legal regimes governing them. Before turning to an analysis of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2178 (2014), it is necessary to briefly explain how IHL addresses acts of terrorism, followed by a brief description of the international treaty regime governing terrorism, including how this regime regulates its relationship with IHL.

scholarly journals Las Farc y las organizaciones comunitarias en San Andrés de Tumaco: desafíos territoriales ante una eventual implementación de los Acuerdos de La Habana

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Aponte ◽  
Javier Benavides
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Community Organizations ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Social Organizations ◽  
Road Map ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
San Andres ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Armed Actors

El presente artículo tiene como objeto evidenciar que las comunidades y organizaciones sociales afectadas de forma severa y aguda por el conflicto armado y la violencia que estos ejercen, no solo se mueven al son de las balas; sino que éstas también adoptan posiciones que van más allá de la resistencia y la pasividad. En este orden, se quiere exponer cómo un caso concreto, las comunidades rurales de Tumaco, evidencian que la guerra también tiene legados “positivos” sobre las organizaciones sociales, que abarcan desde una amplia capacidad de negociación así como de adaptación a las normas y controles que ejercen los grupos armados. Esta experiencia deja en evidencia dos cuestiones de suma importancia para la actual coyuntura nacional: (1) que la guerra, fuera de todos los llamados legados negativos remarcados por los estudios especializados (tales como la anomia, desarticulación, desconfianza, etc.),se hacen presentes también unos legados asociados a una mayor capacidad de negociación e independencia de los pobladores y sus organizaciones frente a los actores armados luego de ciclos violentos; (2) y que la forma de relacionarse los actores armados con los pobladores locales depende no solo de sus políticas internas, sino también de la población presente y sus formas de apropiación territorial. En este sentido, este artículo es una hoja de ruta para remarcar la necesidad de que la llamada paz territorial debe incluir en ella la idea de transiciones diferenciados de acuerdo al carácter el grupo armado, así como la población inserta en el territorio.Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado, Pacífico nariñense, Organizaciones sociales y comunitarias, Economía cocalera posconflicto ABSTRACTTHE FARC AND THE COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS IN SAN ANDRÉS DE TUMACO: TERRITORIAL CHALLENGES BEFORE AN EVENTUAL IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AGREEMENTS OF HAVANAThe purpose of this article is to show that communities and social organizations that are severely and acutely affected by the armed conflict and the violence they carry out, not only move to the sound of bullets, But also adopt positions that go beyond resistance and passivity. In this order, we want to show how a specific case, the rural communities of Tumaco, show that war also has “positive” legacies on social organizations, ranging from a broad capacity for negotiation as well as adaptation to norms and controls Exercised by armed groups. This experience highlights two issues of great importance for the current national situation: (1) that war, apart from all the so-called negative legacies highlighted by specialized studies (such as anomie, disarticulation, mistrust, etc.), Also present legacies associated with a greater capacity for negotiation and independence of the villagers and their organizations vis-à-vis the armed actors after violent cycles; (2) and that the way armed actors relate to local people depends not only on their internal policies, but also on the present population and its forms of territorial appropriation. In this sense, this article is a road map to highlight the need for the so-called territorial peace to include in it the idea of differentiated transitions according to the character of the armed group, as well as the population inserted in the territory.Key words: Armed conflict, Nariño Pacific, Social and community organizations, Post-conflict cocaine economy

Современный образ войны и проблема ее трасформации

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Past ◽  
Advanced Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
Modern War

War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.

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