scholarly journals Las Farc y las organizaciones comunitarias en San Andrés de Tumaco: desafíos territoriales ante una eventual implementación de los Acuerdos de La Habana

Author(s):  
Andrés Aponte ◽  
Javier Benavides

El presente artículo tiene como objeto evidenciar que las comunidades y organizaciones sociales afectadas de forma severa y aguda por el conflicto armado y la violencia que estos ejercen, no solo se mueven al son de las balas; sino que éstas también adoptan posiciones que van más allá de la resistencia y la pasividad. En este orden, se quiere exponer cómo un caso concreto, las comunidades rurales de Tumaco, evidencian que la guerra también tiene legados “positivos” sobre las organizaciones sociales, que abarcan desde una amplia capacidad de negociación así como de adaptación a las normas y controles que ejercen los grupos armados. Esta experiencia deja en evidencia dos cuestiones de suma importancia para la actual coyuntura nacional: (1) que la guerra, fuera de todos los llamados legados negativos remarcados por los estudios especializados (tales como la anomia, desarticulación, desconfianza, etc.),se hacen presentes también unos legados asociados a una mayor capacidad de negociación e independencia de los pobladores y sus organizaciones frente a los actores armados luego de ciclos violentos; (2) y que la forma de relacionarse los actores armados con los pobladores locales depende no solo de sus políticas internas, sino también de la población presente y sus formas de apropiación territorial. En este sentido, este artículo es una hoja de ruta para remarcar la necesidad de que la llamada paz territorial debe incluir en ella la idea de transiciones diferenciados de acuerdo al carácter el grupo armado, así como la población inserta en el territorio.Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado, Pacífico nariñense, Organizaciones sociales y comunitarias, Economía cocalera posconflicto ABSTRACTTHE FARC AND THE COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS IN SAN ANDRÉS DE TUMACO: TERRITORIAL CHALLENGES BEFORE AN EVENTUAL IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AGREEMENTS OF HAVANAThe purpose of this article is to show that communities and social organizations that are severely and acutely affected by the armed conflict and the violence they carry out, not only move to the sound of bullets, But also adopt positions that go beyond resistance and passivity. In this order, we want to show how a specific case, the rural communities of Tumaco, show that war also has “positive” legacies on social organizations, ranging from a broad capacity for negotiation as well as adaptation to norms and controls Exercised by armed groups. This experience highlights two issues of great importance for the current national situation: (1) that war, apart from all the so-called negative legacies highlighted by specialized studies (such as anomie, disarticulation, mistrust, etc.), Also present legacies associated with a greater capacity for negotiation and independence of the villagers and their organizations vis-à-vis the armed actors after violent cycles; (2) and that the way armed actors relate to local people depends not only on their internal policies, but also on the present population and its forms of territorial appropriation. In this sense, this article is a road map to highlight the need for the so-called territorial peace to include in it the idea of differentiated transitions according to the character of the armed group, as well as the population inserted in the territory.Key words: Armed conflict, Nariño Pacific, Social and community organizations, Post-conflict cocaine economy

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-36
Author(s):  
Luis Gabriel Salas Salazar

Los recientes estudios e investigaciones del conflicto armado en Colombia han hecho referencia a la posible existencia de corredores y territorios estratégicos, no obstante, no han ofrecido evidencias concretas de su existencia, ni mucho menos han logrado caracterizar su territorialidad. El trabajo investigativo que aquí se presenta tuvo como objetivo analizar e interpretar la dinámica de las territorialidades de los corredores y territorios estratégicos de los actores del conflicto armado colombiano, en el periodo 1990-2009, desde una perspectiva de la Geografía Política. Las evidencias empíricas de esta investigación permiten establecer que la dinámica de las territorialidades de estos espacios estratégicos del conflicto armado colombiano se ha desplegado a través de tres niveles: en el nacional, en el regional y en el subregional-local. Para cada uno de ellos existe una dinámica territorial, en donde los actores armados han configurando una condición multiescalar de las territorialidades de los corredores y territoriosgeoestratégicos en Colombia.Palabras clave: Colombia, Conflicto Armado, Corredores Estratégicos,Geopolítica, Territorios estratégicos. Abstract Recent studies and investigations of the armed conflict in Colombia have made reference to the possible existence of corridors and strategic territories. However, have not offered concrete evidence of their existence, much less have they managed to characterize its territoriality. This researchwork’s aim is to analyze and interpret the dynamics of the corridors’ territories, as well as the Colombian armed actors’ strategic areas during the period of 1990-2009, from the Political Geography perspective. Empirical evidence from this research allows us to establish that the dynamics of the territoriality of these strategic areas of the armed conflictin Colombia, have been deployed across three levels: national, regional and local sub-regional. For each, there is a regional process, where armed groups have been setting up a multi-scale status of the corridors’ territories and geo-strategic areas in Colombia.Keywords:Armed Conflict, Strategic Corridors, Colombia, Geopolitical,Strategic territory.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEMIMA GARCÍA-GODOS ◽  
KNUT ANDREAS O. LID

AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 474
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Barbosa-Fohrmann

<p>This paper examines the problematic of child soldiers, based on inter alia the strategy of research <br />and study of the United Nations Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for <br />Children and Armed Conflict and on the priorities of the Machel Study. Here, national and international <br />law will be applied on countries where children are recruited by armed groups. Concerning domestic <br />jurisdiction alternative or traditional methods of justice as well as formal legal methods will be <br />addressed. Specifically, this paper will focus on three main subjects: 1) the possibility of prosecution <br />and judgment of adolescents, who participated in armed conflicts; 2) prosecution and judgment of war lords <br />and 3) civil reparation proportional to the damage caused by an armed conflict. These three subjects will <br />be construed according to (traditional or alternative and formal) national and international law. Finally, <br />some recommendations will be made in order to improve the system of reintegration of child soldiers in <br />post-conflict countries.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Diego Alejandro Pérez Rivera

Recruitment has been a phenomenon present in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. Thus, illegal armed groups (ELN, dissent from the former FARC, paramilitary groups, drug traffickers, among others) have seen migration as an opportunity to increase the number of members in their ranks. Thus, the exodus of Venezuelans has become an attractive phenomenon for recruitment where armed groups take advantage of irregular dynamics and socio-territorial complexities to increase the range of action of attacks, fighting and presence. That said, the research question is: How has the flow of Venezuelan migrants on the Colombian-Venezuelan border contributed to the strengthening of illegal armed actors? Due to the lack of academic information, the investigation will use as collection instruments: interviews with academics, decision makers and journalistic work.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 791-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Myriam Denov

Children across the globe have been implicated in armed conflict as both victims and participants. During Sierra Leone’s decade-long civil war, thousands of children, both boys and girls, participated directly in armed conflict or were recruited for labour or sexual exploitation in armed groups. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with 80 children formerly associated with Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front, this paper explores children’s experiences of violence during the armed conflict, traces the realities that children faced in the aftermath of the war, and examines the ways in which participants attempted to cope with the war’s profound after-effects. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for social work.


Author(s):  
Luke Moffett

Abstract Atrocities by non-State armed groups (NSAGs) often capture international attention, but efforts to repair the harm they have caused are often overlooked. This article traces out some of the practices and tensions in NSAGs making reparations during wartime and in post-conflict transitions. It argues that engaging in reparations for acts committed by NSAGs can not only encourage greater compliance with international humanitarian law but also build support amongst civilian populations during armed conflict and facilitate ex-fighter reintegration at the end of hostilities. Drawing from interviews with a number of armed groups, the article also suggests that engaging with the armed group's organization rather than just individuals themselves can be an effective way to collectively mobilize a group's motivation and capacity to deliver on reparations, including recovery of disappeared persons, restitution of property and apologies. As such, this article seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of reparation practices by NSAGs in order to see how reparations can be mediated and a hierarchy of reparation obligations developed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allard Duursma

While recent research focuses on why conflict parties attack peacekeepers, little attention has been given to other types of resistance against peacekeeping missions, such as intimidation and obstruction. It is argued in this article that one reason why peacekeepers are obstructed and intimidated is that armed actors that target civilians want to maintain the operational space to carry out attacks against civilians and want to prevent peacekeepers from monitoring human rights violations. A spatially and temporally disaggregated analysis on resistance against peacekeepers in Darfur between January 2008 and April 2009 indeed suggests that the intimidation and obstruction of peacekeepers is more likely to take place in areas with higher levels of violence against civilians. The findings hold when taking into account the non-random occurrence of violence against civilians through matching the data. Finally, anecdotal evidence from other sites of armed conflict than Darfur suggests that resistance against peacekeepers in these cases is also likely to be related to the targeting of civilians. This suggest that in order to be effective in protecting civilians, peace missions should not only be robust as highlighted in previous research, but peace missions should also develop an effective strategy to deal with armed groups that try to prevent peacekeepers from fulfilling their mandate.


Author(s):  
Mark Drumbl

This chapter addresses a particularly vulnerable population of children, namely, children associated with armed forces or armed groups. These children are colloquially known as child soldiers. This chapter begins by surveying the prevalence of child soldiering globally. It then sets out the considerable amount of international law that addresses children in armed conflict, in particular, the law that allocates responsibility for child soldiering and the law that sets out the responsibility of child soldiers for their conduct. The chapter identifies significant gaps between the law and the securing of positive outcomes for former child soldiers, notably when it comes to post-conflict reintegration. The protective impulse that envisions militarized youth as faultless passive victims may not always reflect how youthful fighters see themselves nor necessarily support an emancipatory and empowering vision of how international law should promote the rights of children.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 307-310
Author(s):  
Sandra Krähenmann

There seems to be a natural connection between armed conflict and terrorism: both involve acts of violence by nonstate armed actors. The acts of armed groups during armed conflicts are frequently labeled as acts of terrorism. Similarly, both international humanitarian law (IHL) and the international legal regime governing terrorism address acts of violence committed by nonstate armed actors. Yet, these superficial similarities obscure the significant conceptual differences between acts of violence in armed conflicts and those outside armed conflicts as well as the differences in the legal regimes governing them. Before turning to an analysis of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2178 (2014), it is necessary to briefly explain how IHL addresses acts of terrorism, followed by a brief description of the international treaty regime governing terrorism, including how this regime regulates its relationship with IHL.


Global Jurist ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Salvador Santino Jr. Fulo Regilme ◽  
Elisabetta Spoldi

Abstract Despite the consolidated body of public international law on children’s rights and armed conflict, why do armed rebel groups and state forces deploy children in armed conflict, particularly in Somalia? First, due to the lack of alternative sources of income and livelihood beyond armed conflict, children join the army due to coercive recruitment by commanders of armed groups. Their participation in armed conflict generates a fleeting and false sense of material security and belongingness in a group. Second, many Somali children were born in an environment of existential violence and material insecurity that normalized and routinized violence, thereby motivating them to view enlistment in armed conflict as morally permissible and necessary for existential survival.


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