scholarly journals To engage or not to engage Haiti’s urban armed groups? Safe access in disaster-stricken and conflict-affected cities

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 425-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moritz Schuberth

International agencies responding to humanitarian crises in cities are increasingly faced with urban armed groups controlling neighbourhoods where the most vulnerable sections of society are located. In such settings, it is not clear how to deliver aid to those who need it the most without further strengthening predatory armed actors. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Haiti, this article contributes to the emerging debate on the engagement of non-state armed groups in the context of disaster-stricken and conflict-affected cities, by presenting new empirical evidence on how humanitarian and development actors negotiate safe access in Port-au-Prince’s gang-ruled neighbourhoods in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. While some major development agencies have struggled to minimize the unintended – yet potentially harmful – consequences of their activities for beneficiaries, the approach of the Brazilian NGO Viva Rio offers important lessons for more effective humanitarian response to urban crises in comparable contexts.

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-36
Author(s):  
Luis Gabriel Salas Salazar

Los recientes estudios e investigaciones del conflicto armado en Colombia han hecho referencia a la posible existencia de corredores y territorios estratégicos, no obstante, no han ofrecido evidencias concretas de su existencia, ni mucho menos han logrado caracterizar su territorialidad. El trabajo investigativo que aquí se presenta tuvo como objetivo analizar e interpretar la dinámica de las territorialidades de los corredores y territorios estratégicos de los actores del conflicto armado colombiano, en el periodo 1990-2009, desde una perspectiva de la Geografía Política. Las evidencias empíricas de esta investigación permiten establecer que la dinámica de las territorialidades de estos espacios estratégicos del conflicto armado colombiano se ha desplegado a través de tres niveles: en el nacional, en el regional y en el subregional-local. Para cada uno de ellos existe una dinámica territorial, en donde los actores armados han configurando una condición multiescalar de las territorialidades de los corredores y territoriosgeoestratégicos en Colombia.Palabras clave: Colombia, Conflicto Armado, Corredores Estratégicos,Geopolítica, Territorios estratégicos. Abstract Recent studies and investigations of the armed conflict in Colombia have made reference to the possible existence of corridors and strategic territories. However, have not offered concrete evidence of their existence, much less have they managed to characterize its territoriality. This researchwork’s aim is to analyze and interpret the dynamics of the corridors’ territories, as well as the Colombian armed actors’ strategic areas during the period of 1990-2009, from the Political Geography perspective. Empirical evidence from this research allows us to establish that the dynamics of the territoriality of these strategic areas of the armed conflictin Colombia, have been deployed across three levels: national, regional and local sub-regional. For each, there is a regional process, where armed groups have been setting up a multi-scale status of the corridors’ territories and geo-strategic areas in Colombia.Keywords:Armed Conflict, Strategic Corridors, Colombia, Geopolitical,Strategic territory.


Author(s):  
Rachel Schmidt

Abstract The growing literature on desertion from insurgent groups focuses almost exclusively on male deserters, with few comparisons to combatants who choose to stay and little consideration of women combatants or the gendered norms and narratives that restrict combatants’ options. As governments increasingly emphasize “counter-narratives” to prevent radicalization and encourage disengagement from non-state armed groups, there is insufficient empirical evidence on how such framing contests between governments and insurgents might affect how recruits calculate their options. With “deradicalization” programs proliferating globally, and disarmament, disengagement, and reintegration (DDR) programs continuing to perpetuate gender stereotypes, it is critical to examine why some men and women disengage from violence while others stay, how they evaluate these decisions, and how gendered norms affect these decisions. Based on over 100 interviews with men and women ex-combatants across seven departments of Colombia, this article examines the effects of framing contests between the FARC guerrillas and the Colombian government, in which gender norms and gendered power dynamics play key roles. This paper argues that these gendered framing contests are critical to individual combatants’ disengagement decisions and, in particular, influence how women combatants perceive their alternatives and manage their exit pathways out of non-state armed groups. Las crecientes publicaciones sobre la deserción de combatientes de los grupos rebeldes se centran casi exclusivamente en los desertores hombres, con pocas comparaciones con los combatientes que deciden quedarse y poca consideración de las combatientes mujeres o la influencia del género en las normas y la narrativa que restringen las opciones de los combatientes. A medida que los gobiernos hacen cada vez más hincapié en las “contranarrativas” para evitar la radicalización y fomentar la desmovilización de los grupos armados no estatales, no hay pruebas empíricas suficientes sobre cómo dichas disputas de estructuración entre los gobiernos y los rebeldes podrían afectar la manera en que los reclutas determinan sus opciones. Con la proliferación de programas de “desradicalización” en todo el mundo, y dado que las iniciativas de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (Disarmament, Disengagement, and Reintegration, DDR) siguen perpetuando los estereotipos de género, es fundamental analizar por qué algunos hombres y mujeres se desvinculan de la violencia mientras que otros no, cómo evalúan estas decisiones y de qué manera las normas en función del género influyen en estas determinaciones. A partir de más de 100 entrevistas a hombres y mujeres excombatientes en siete departamentos de Colombia, este artículo analiza los efectos de las disputas de estructuración entre la guerrilla de las FARC y el gobierno colombiano, donde las normas y las dinámicas del poder en función del género juegan un papel clave. En este documento, se sostiene que dichas disputas de estructuración influenciadas por el género son fundamentales para las decisiones de desmovilización de los combatientes y, en especial, influyen en la manera en que las combatientes mujeres perciben sus alternativas y gestionan sus vías de escape de los grupos armados no estatales. La littérature croissante portant sur la désertion des groupes d'insurgés se concentre presque exclusivement sur les hommes déserteurs, avec peu de comparaisons avec les combattants qui choisissent de rester et peu de considération pour les femmes combattantes ou les normes et récits sexospécifiques qui limitent le panel de combattants abordés. Alors que les gouvernements mettent de plus en plus l'accent sur les « contre-récits » pour prévenir la radicalisation et encourager le désengagement des groupes armés non étatiques, les preuves empiriques de la mesure dans laquelle un tel cadrage des conflits entre gouvernements et insurgés pourrait affecter la façon dont les recrues calculent leurs options sont insuffisantes. Tandis que les programmes de « déradicalisation » prolifèrent dans le monde entier et que les programmes de désarmement, de désengagement et de réintégration continuent à perpétuer les stéréotypes de genre, il est essentiel d’étudier les raisons pour lesquelles certains hommes et certaines femmes se désengagent de la violence contrairement à d'autres, les facteurs que ces personnes prennent en compte dans leur décision, et la manière dont les normes sexospécifiques affectent ces décisions. Cet article s'appuie sur plus de 100 entretiens avec des hommes et femmes ayant précédemment combattu dans sept départements de Colombie pour analyser les effets du cadrage des conflits entre les insurgés des FARC et le gouvernement colombien, dans lesquels les normes de genre et les dynamiques de pouvoir liées au genre jouent des rôles clés. Il soutient que ce cadrage sexospécifique des conflits est essentiel aux décisions de désengagement des combattants individuels, en particulier pour influencer la manière dont les combattantes perçoivent leurs alternatives et gèrent leurs voies de sortie des groupes armés non-étatiques.


Author(s):  
Radmila Juric ◽  
Aladdin Shamoug

Resource allocation is one of the most important tasks in organizing humanitarian response to humanitarian crises. It is not only that adequate and efficient resource allocation save lives and reduce damages caused by humanitarian crises, but resource allocation must be fast and efficient to save time and resources. Given that resource allocation is a type of a decision-making process, it is expected that decision on resource allocation are based on accurate and relevant information generated at various stages of humanitarian response. In this article, the authors promote Semantic Resource Allocation tools which a) collects and interprets the semantics of an environment where resource allocation is required and b) the reasons upon the semantics of that environment in order to make appropriate resource allocation. The tool is built with computations based on SWRL enabled OWL ontologies. The prototype has been implemented as a desktop application which can also run in mobile/wireless environments, including Android smart phones.


Author(s):  
Brett Sutton ◽  
Joan Marston

Palliative care has, historically, largely been absent or deprioritized in humanitarian emergencies. There is now increasing recognition of the need for it to be an integral part of any humanitarian response and, equally, for its integration to be routine across the many dimensions of a response. Such integration requires an understanding of the core principles and practice of humanitarian responses, and the structures of local, regional, and international agencies and their teams. The Sphere standards, now incorporating palliative care, comprise the fundamental standards and guidelines for humanitarian responses; they should provide key guidance for palliative care practitioners and organizations. Equally, the cluster system provides a structure for coordination of all the sectors in emergencies, and palliative care must be provided within this structure when it is in place for humanitarian events, whether acute or protracted. One core principle that humanitarian action increasingly incorporates is that of localization, whereby the response must recognize and respect local leadership and decision-making. This is equally true with emergency medical teams (EMTs), even when deploying internationally, because local responses have been overwhelmed. Finally, integration must incorporate all components of a robust palliative care response, including policy and guidance; community, primary, and specialist practitioners; training and mentorship; equipment, medication, and infrastructure appropriate for palliative care; and a referral system that uses both local and national structures.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Skrede Gleditsch ◽  
Simon Hug ◽  
Livia Isabella Schubiger ◽  
Julian Wucherpfennig

Whether international humanitarian norms are respected during and after civil conflict depends on the behavior of both governments and nonstate actors (NSAs). However, international conventions on the protection of civilians generally do not address NSAs, as such conventions are open only to the representatives of states. In a pioneering initiative, the nongovernmental organization Geneva Call has started to address this problem by soliciting NSAs to sign “deeds of commitment” to ban particular activities violating humanitarian norms. Focusing on the case of antipersonnel mines, we examine why NSAs would choose to sign conventions that limit their autonomy, and whether such conventions can change the behavior of governments and nonstate armed groups. We propose a game-theoretic model of how the interaction between governments and NSAs shape their incentives to commit to and comply with international humanitarian norms. Our empirical evidence highlights the importance of these interdependencies between governments and NSAs in the realm of humanitarian engagements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Ghais

Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiate for private benefits such as government posts and amnesty but also moderate their stances and emerge committed to the agreement; excluded armed actors lack any such commitment and still have unresolved grievances. They are thus more likely to renew armed action against the government.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-516 ◽  
Author(s):  
JEMIMA GARCÍA-GODOS ◽  
KNUT ANDREAS O. LID

AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Macrae

The past decade has seen profound changes in the relationship between humanitarian and political action. The political determinants of humanitarian crises are now acknowledged, so too is their chronicity, and the limits of relief aid as a form of intervention are thus more fully understood. In 1994, in the refugee camps of Goma, Zaire, there was widespread manipulation of aid resources by armed groups implicated in the genocide in Rwanda. This experience highlighted a wider concern that, rather than doing good, emergency aid can fuel violence. The apparent consensus that humanitarian assistance can somehow stand outside politics gave way to calls for tighter linkage between aid and political responses to crises.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 1101-1109
Author(s):  
Graeme Reid ◽  
Samuel Ritholtz

AbstractThroughout the COVID-19 pandemic, advocates have argued for the inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) people in humanitarian response efforts. Yet the application of this differential focus has been mixed among international policy guidelines and national programs. This research note details a queer theoretical approach to humanitarian crises that considers the intersectional factors that produce specific vulnerabilities within LGBT communities. We take two examples from distinct LGBT communities during the COVID-19 pandemic to demonstrate the analytical risk of treating the umbrella acronym LGBT, indicating distinct identity groups, as monolithic and not differentiating within identity groups based on other factors. We contend that this monolithic approach risks obviating the way different structural forces further compound precarity during crisis. Thus, we make the case for rooting intersectional approaches in any queer analyses of crisis.


Author(s):  
Rachel Coghlan

Palliative care and humanitarian action share fundamental goals to relieve suffering and uphold dignity; and both hold an ethical root in the recognition of our common suffering in illness and dying, our compassionate action in response to suffering, and our common humanity. The parallels in goals and ethos should make universal application of palliative care in humanitarian crises a norm, but in humanitarian practice today this is not the case. There is growing consciousness of the imperative to integrate palliative care into humanitarian response. Compassionate palliative care is steeped in humanitarian history, norms and ethics. ‘Small but potent’ acts of compassion are a profound and far-reaching element of palliative care response that can be delivered no matter how scarce the resources. In addition to meeting a neglected need, the broader practice of ‘small but potent’ acts of compassionate palliative care may serve to remind humanitarian actors of the very essence of a humane response and offer a radical reclaiming of the roots of humanitarianism.


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