scholarly journals La configuración de un nacionalismo gallego conservadurista en la Segunda República: Dereita Galeguista

2018 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Javier I. Senín Álvarez
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
The Creation

Resumen: El Partido Galeguista constituyó la formación política más relevante de todas las surgidas a raíz de las nuevas posibilidades brindadas al nacionalismo gallego por parte de la Segunda República. A pesar de aglutinar en su seno a nacionalistas gallegos de derechas e izquierdas, el PG supo intervenir en la arena política gallega y española de un modo unitario y sin grandes tensiones internas, siendo el contexto político estatal el que terminó por inclinar al partido hacia la izquierda española para frenar a las derechas del país.  Este estudio analiza las divergencias surgidas entre los sectores izquierdistas y conservadores del PG, las causas que condujeron a los segundos a escindirse (primero en Pontevedra y después en Ourense y Santiago) y las derivaciones de las sucesivas rupturas, materializadas en la creación de Dereita Galeguista.Palabras clave: nacionalismo, Galicia, conservadurismo, religión, Dereita Galeguista, Segunda República.Abstract: The Partido Galeguista constituted the most relevant political formation of all those arisen as a result of the new possibilities offered to the Galician nationalism by the Second Republic. In spite of bringing together right-wing and left-wing Galician nationalists, the PG was able to intervene in the Galician and Spanish political arena in a unitary way and without major internal tensions, with the state political context ending up by inclining the party towards Left Spanish to curb the country's rights. This study analyzes the divergences between the leftist and conservative sectors of the PG, the causes that led the latter to split (first in Pontevedra and later in Ourense and Santiago) and the derivations of successive ruptures, materialized in the creation of Dereita Galeguista.Keywords: nationalism, Galicia, conservatism, religion, Dereita Galeguista, Second Republic.

scholarly journals ENTRE DOS DEMONIOS Y TRES VIOLENCIAS: LA ADMINISTRACIÓN ALFONSÍN Y LOS SENTIDOS DE LA MEMORIA DEL TERRORISMO DE ESTADO EN LA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORÁNEA

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Juan Pablo Angelone
Keyword(s):  
State Of The Art ◽  
The State ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
National Commission ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
State Terrorism ◽  
The Right

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial.  Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract  Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism. 

scholarly journals Populism in Lithuania: Defining the Research Tradition

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gintaras Aleknonis ◽  
Renata Matkevičienė
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Media Reports

Abstract The research on populism and populist political communication in Lithuania is rather limited, regardless of the fact that populist movements and politicians are influential on national and local political levels; they also receive sufficient support from a significant share of the population. Because the Western European research tradition is concentrated on the challenges of right-wing populism, Lithuanian political scientists distinguish right-wing populism as more significant in comparison to left-wing populism. Although Lithuanian researchers note, that in the balance of the left-right wing populists, Lithuania stands out with the majority of left-wing populists, in comparison to the popularity and number of right-wing populists in neighbouring countries. Despite the interest of scholars in various fields of policy research in Lithuania, there is still a lack of research on populist political communication, and what interest does exist is mostly concentrated on analysis of practical issues within the political arena, e.g. the study of the processes of political elections. The analysis of populist political communication in Lithuania revealed that populism is a relatively oft-mentioned topic in Lithuanian scientific discourse, but in most cases remains on the margins of other research. The theoretical work presents the assumptions based on the analysis of the political situation in Lithuania and examples from other countries. The empirical research of populism is scarce, and in most cases based on content analysis of political documents and media reports.

scholarly journals Zionist Approaches to the Palestinian Question

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
The Right ◽  
Palestinian Question

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.

An Experiment in Feminist Technology in Local Governance: Revisiting the Question of ‘Invited Spaces’ of Participation in Kerala

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223
Author(s):  
Binitha V. Thampi ◽  
Aarti Kawlra
Keyword(s):  
Women Leaders ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Critical Engagement ◽  
Collective Deliberation ◽  
Panchayati Raj

In this article, we foreground the potential for a space for collective deliberation and political subjectivities building among women leaders in local governance. We interrogate the Gramamukhya portal, which was initiated in 2011 and continued until 2015, as a democratic space to politicise the invited spaces of governance. Revisiting the question of women’s engagement in panchayati raj institutions in Kerala, we suggest that the practice of citizenship can become politically effective for women in governance if they use a platform that facilitates critical engagement from within and without the invited spaces of participation. This reflection becomes all the more significant given the contemporary political context of Kerala, where the women’s question is caught between developmentalist intentions of the state and right-wing political mobilisations at the grass-roots level.

Ideologically motivated perception: The role of political context and active open-mindedness

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kossowska ◽  
Paulina Szwed ◽  
Gabriela Czarnek
Keyword(s):  
Accuracy Assessment ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Cultural Domain ◽  
The Relationship

In three experimental studies we investigate the role of contextual (i.e. issue politicization) and individual (i.e. active open-mindedness) factors, assuming that they influence the manner in which people of different political affinities perceive policy-relevant facts. We focus on political beliefs in the cultural domain, expecting that right-wing beliefs, compared to left-wing beliefs are associated with more inaccurate perceptions of facts (i.e. misperceptions) in ways that are politically congenial to right-wing ideology and official right-wing party narratives. We also argue that the level of accuracy in perceptions held by right-wingers (vs. lefts-wingers) is even lower when assessing highly-politicized (vs. less-politicalized) facts. Then, we postulate that assessments of highly-politicized facts are driven by political beliefs. In contrast, when assessing less-politicized facts, active open-mindedness modifies the relationship between ideology and accuracy assessment. The results of the study confirm the hypotheses proposed.

scholarly journals Talking It Personally: Features of Successful Political Posts on Facebook

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511878477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nir Noon Nave ◽  
Limor Shifman ◽  
Keren Tenenboim-Weinblatt
Keyword(s):  
First Person ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Scant Attention ◽  
Predictor Of Success ◽  
Facebook Usage

While the centrality of Facebook as a political arena has been widely acknowledged, only scant attention has been given to what makes some political posts more successful than others. Addressing this gap, we analyzed a corpus of political posts written by diverse political actors in Israel. We explored, in particular, two main groups of factors that have been associated with major attributes of Facebook usage: content engagement and self-presentation. The analysis yielded a model of six features that promote the success of a political post: implied emotions, humor, first person, self-exposure, personal stance, and anger-evoking cues. We also identified differences in successful posts written by right-wing and left-wing actors; while humor was found to be a significant predictor of success only in left-wing posts, references to an out-group are associated with success only in right-wing ones. Overall, the findings showed that attributes of self-presentation are strongly linked to the success of political posts.

SUBVERSIÓN Y COERCIÓN: izquierdas y derechas en los inicios de la democracia chilena del siglo XX

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
VERÓNICA VALDIVIA ORTIZ DE ZáRATE
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

Resumen: El artá­culo analiza el debate entre las nacientes izquierdas y derechas chilenas respecto de los dispositivos coercitivos estatales, en el marco de la crisis de dominación oligárquica y la redefinición del Estado. Siguiendo las interpretaciones que cuestionan la tesis democratizadora del paá­s, a partir de la Constitución de 1925, este trabajo evalúa la posición de las orgánicas de trabajadores, ligados al marxismo y al anarquismo, como de liberales y conservadores, respecto de los cambios que sufrió el aparato estatal en materia de derechos ciudadanos y de coerción. Nuestra hipótesis es que el reconocimiento de derechos sociales, económicos y polá­ticos a clases medias y obreros, que abrió paso a la democratización, estuvo sostenido en la redefinición de los dispositivos coercitivos del Estado, influyendo en la definición de izquierdas y derechas.  Palabras clave:  Izquierdas. Derechas. Represión.SUBVERSION AND COERCION:  The Left and the Right in the Dawn of Chile”™s 20th-Century DemocracyAbstract: This paper examines the debate between the emerging right- and left-wing parties in Chile in regard to the State”™s repressive devices, within the context of the crisis of oligarchic domination and its subsequent redefinition of the State. Sharing those interpretations that contest the supposed democratization of the country as a result of the 1925 Constitution, the article assesses the stance adopted by the working-class organizations linked to Marxist and anarchist positions, as well as by liberals and conservatives, in relation to the changes undergone by the State apparatus in the fields of civil rights and coercion. Our hypothesis is that the recognition of social, economic and political rights for the middle and working classes, which paved the way towards a more effective democracy, stood upon the redefinition of the State”™s coercive devices, influencing the definition of Right and Left.Keywords: Left Wing. Right Wing. Repression.  SUBVERSAO E COERCAO:  esquerdas e direitas nos iná­cios da democracia chilena do século XXResumo: O artigo analisa o debate entre as nascentes esquerdas e direitas chilenas nas suas relações com os dispositivos repressivos estatais inseridos no contexto da crise de dominação oligárquica e da renovação do Estado. Compartilhando as interpretações que questionam a tese da suposta democratização do paá­s após a Constituição de 1925, este trabalho avalia a perspectiva das organizações operárias vinculadas ao marxismo e ao anarquismo, bem como as posições dos liberais e conservadores a respeito das mudanças que sofreu o aparelho estatal em matéria de direitos cidadãos e coerção. Partimos da hipótese de que o reconhecimento dos direitos sociais, econômicos e polá­ticos das classes médias e operárias que possibilitou a democratização, sustentou-se na redefinição dos dispositivos coercitivos do Estado e influenciou na definição das organizações como de esquerda ou de direita.Palavras-chave:  Esquerdas. Direitas. Repressão.

Reshaping the Political Order in Israel, 1965–1967

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-60
Author(s):  
Yechiam Weitz
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Six Day War ◽  
The Right

This article examines the major changes in the Israeli political arena, on both the left and right, in the two years before the 1967 War. The shift was marked by the establishment in 1965 of the right-wing Gahal (the Herut-Liberal bloc) and of the Labor Alignment, the semi-merger of Israel’s two main left-wing parties, Mapai and Ahdut HaAvodah. Some dissatisfied Mapai members broke away from the Alignment and formed a new party, Rafi, under the leadership of David Ben-Gurion. They did not gain nearly enough Knesset seats to take power in the November 1965 election, but Rafi did become part of the emergency national unity government that was formed in June 1967, due largely to the weak position of Levi Eshkol as prime minister. This enabled Rafi’s Moshe Dayan to assume the minister of defense position on the eve of the Six-Day War, which began on 5 June 1967.

scholarly journals Justifying Secession in Catalonia: Resolving Grievances or a Means to a Better Future?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-464
Author(s):  
Anwen Elias ◽  
Núria Franco-Guillén
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Data ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Creation

This article advances understandings of secessionist strategies by examining how and why secessionist movements make the case for creating a new sovereign state. It draws on new empirical data to examine the ways in which pro-independence parties in Catalonia have justified their calls for the creation of an independent Catalan Republic between 2008 and 2018. The findings challenge the widespread scholarly assumption that secessionist mobilisation is underpinned by grievances—cultural, economic, and political—against the state. We find that arguments for an independent Catalonia rarely include cultural claims. Instead, independence is advocated as a way of resolving political and economic grievances and of creating a better, more democratic, and just Catalan society. Such justifications are highly influenced by the political context in which pro-independence parties try to advance towards secession. These insights advance on extant explanations of secessionist mobilisation by highlighting the distinctive nature of, and the motives for, secessionist claims.

scholarly journals The TAGFACT annotator and editor: A versatile tool

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
Ana Fernández-Montraveta ◽  
Glòria Vázquez ◽  
Hortènsia Curell ◽  
Irene Castellón
Keyword(s):  
Gold Standard ◽  
Manual Annotation ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Corpus Annotation ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Versatile Tool ◽  
The Creation

The multifunctional tool this paper presents has been developed within the TAGFACT project, a project that aims to automate the annotation of factuality –understood as the degree of commitment with which the writer presents situations– in Spanish journalistic texts. In what follows, the tool, which allows the compilation of the texts and the manual annotation of predicates, is described. The corpus created using it has been extracted in groups of three pieces of news covering the same event from newspapers with different ideologies (left wing, right wing and centrist). It is made up of 176 different pieces of news, containing 1,359 sentences and 46,947 words. The tool has been used so far to manually annotate a section of the ‘Gold Standard’ (approximately 10,000 words). It has proved to be versatile in that it allows for both the creation and management of corpora and corpus annotation, using any tags the user wants depending on the purpose of each corpus.

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