An Experiment in Feminist Technology in Local Governance: Revisiting the Question of ‘Invited Spaces’ of Participation in Kerala

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223
Author(s):  
Binitha V. Thampi ◽  
Aarti Kawlra
Keyword(s):  
Women Leaders ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Critical Engagement ◽  
Collective Deliberation ◽  
Panchayati Raj

In this article, we foreground the potential for a space for collective deliberation and political subjectivities building among women leaders in local governance. We interrogate the Gramamukhya portal, which was initiated in 2011 and continued until 2015, as a democratic space to politicise the invited spaces of governance. Revisiting the question of women’s engagement in panchayati raj institutions in Kerala, we suggest that the practice of citizenship can become politically effective for women in governance if they use a platform that facilitates critical engagement from within and without the invited spaces of participation. This reflection becomes all the more significant given the contemporary political context of Kerala, where the women’s question is caught between developmentalist intentions of the state and right-wing political mobilisations at the grass-roots level.

scholarly journals La configuración de un nacionalismo gallego conservadurista en la Segunda República: Dereita Galeguista

2018 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Javier I. Senín Álvarez
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
The Creation

Resumen: El Partido Galeguista constituyó la formación política más relevante de todas las surgidas a raíz de las nuevas posibilidades brindadas al nacionalismo gallego por parte de la Segunda República. A pesar de aglutinar en su seno a nacionalistas gallegos de derechas e izquierdas, el PG supo intervenir en la arena política gallega y española de un modo unitario y sin grandes tensiones internas, siendo el contexto político estatal el que terminó por inclinar al partido hacia la izquierda española para frenar a las derechas del país.  Este estudio analiza las divergencias surgidas entre los sectores izquierdistas y conservadores del PG, las causas que condujeron a los segundos a escindirse (primero en Pontevedra y después en Ourense y Santiago) y las derivaciones de las sucesivas rupturas, materializadas en la creación de Dereita Galeguista.Palabras clave: nacionalismo, Galicia, conservadurismo, religión, Dereita Galeguista, Segunda República.Abstract: The Partido Galeguista constituted the most relevant political formation of all those arisen as a result of the new possibilities offered to the Galician nationalism by the Second Republic. In spite of bringing together right-wing and left-wing Galician nationalists, the PG was able to intervene in the Galician and Spanish political arena in a unitary way and without major internal tensions, with the state political context ending up by inclining the party towards Left Spanish to curb the country's rights. This study analyzes the divergences between the leftist and conservative sectors of the PG, the causes that led the latter to split (first in Pontevedra and later in Ourense and Santiago) and the derivations of successive ruptures, materialized in the creation of Dereita Galeguista.Keywords: nationalism, Galicia, conservatism, religion, Dereita Galeguista, Second Republic.

scholarly journals Neoliberal State Intervention and the Power of Community in Urban Regeneration: An Empirical Study of Three Village Redevelopment Projects in Guangzhou, China

2021 ◽  
pp. 0739456X2199466
Author(s):  
Siu Wai Wong ◽  
Xingguang Chen ◽  
Bo-sin Tang ◽  
Jinlong Liu
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Urban Governance ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
Community Building ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Urban Regeneration ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The State ◽  
Village Communities ◽  
The City

A key theme in urban governance research is how neoliberalism reshapes the state–society relationship. Our study on Guangzhou, where urban regeneration through massive redevelopment of “villages-in-the-city” uncovered interactions between the state, market, and community in local governance, contributes to this debate. Based on intensive field research to analyze three projects, we find that what really controls neoliberal growth in China is not simply the authoritarian tradition of the socialist state but also the power of the indigenous village communities. Our findings suggest that state intervention for community building is vital for rebalancing power relations between the state, market, and community.

The 1992 Referendum in South Africa

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Strauss
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
White Voters ◽  
The Right

The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?

scholarly journals Grid Governance in China under the COVID-19 Outbreak: Changing Neighborhood Governance

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7089
Author(s):  
Tianke Zhu ◽  
Xigang Zhu ◽  
Jian Jin
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Private Governance ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Housing Privatization ◽  
Epidemic Period ◽  
Neighborhood Governance ◽  
Relationship Of

Housing commodification seems to suggest that a process of a state is embracing private governance. However, private governance in Chinese neighborhoods is a two-way trajectory. This paper examined two types of housing neighborhoods, namely, a work-unit housing neighborhood and gated commodity housing to understand the changes in neighborhood governance. It is interesting to observe that during the Covid-19 epidemic period, the state government enhanced its presence and public trust in neighborhood governance by changing the former ways of self-governance. As a strategy for the state to return to local governance, the grid governance is the reconfiguration of administrative resources at a neighborhood level and professionalizes neighborhood organizations to ensure the capacities of the state to solve social crises and neighborhood governance. The potential side effects of changing neighborhood governance are that while the implementation of grid governance has improved internal connections among residents, the empowered neighborhood governments acting as the “state agent on the ground” leads to an estrangement between residents and private governance. The underdevelopment of neighborhood autonomy is not only due to the restriction of state government, but more importantly, the reciprocal relationship of state-led neighborhood governance in the context of housing privatization development in China.

scholarly journals Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szuba
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Source Information ◽  
The City

The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East­­­‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests­­­‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East­­­‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East­­­‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.

scholarly journals The CRC comes of age: assessing progress in meeting the rights of children in custody in Northern Ireland

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Linda Moore
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Juvenile Justice ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Children's Rights ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Children’S Rights ◽  
Primary Research ◽  
The Law

This article focuses on the extent to which Convention rights are complied with regarding the treatment of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland, and in particular the rights of incarcerated children. Relevant children’s rights instruments and principles are identified to establish the benchmarks for this discussion. There follows discussion of the particular social, economic and political context which impacts upon the lives of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland. The legislative context for the detention of children in custody in Northern Ireland is explored, and the regimes in the Juvenile Justice Centre (JJC) for Northern Ireland and Hydebank Wood Young Offenders Centre (YOC) are assessed for compliance with children’s rights standards. Primary research conducted by the author and her colleagues with children in custody in Northern Ireland 2 and recent inspection and research reports form the basis for the analysis of the state of children’s rights in custody in Northern Ireland in the 21st century.

scholarly journals Hillary-hating

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Blackett
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
Pro Choice

As a politician who became famous for being another politician’s wife, Hillary Clinton has long been a lightning rod for American fears (and hopes) about the state of gender. Although most commentators agree that she has been hated ubiquitously since 1992, scholarship on Hillary-hating almost always considers it a male impulse. This paper asks why right-wing American feminists hate Hillary Clinton. The author studied “Women for Trump” Facebook pages, focusing on memes that present the pro-choice Clinton as a monstrous (anti-)mother. Hatred of Clinton is not produced by ‘reasonable’ public debate, this paper argues; more important are the potent affective charges Clinton’s image carries. A ‘memetic’ analysis is used to look at the affective object-ness of Clinton’s image: where it travels, with what impetus, and what responses it provokes. Affect plays a crucial role in both sharing memes online and the workings of misogyny and racism in right-wing women’s pursuit of the American Dream.

scholarly journals Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears: A Matter of Gender and Fate

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Laia Perales Galán
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Female Characters ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
Gender Dynamics ◽  
Role Morality ◽  
The Soviet Union

This paper offers an in-depth review of the Soviet hit film Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears (1979). Focusing on its female characters, it analyses the gender dynamics that prevailed in the Soviet Union at that time and the narrative impact it had on the plot. The article is divided into three subsections: a brief historical and political context, a depiction of the state of gender equality in the Soviet Union, as well as the power dynamics that existed both in the professional and domestic sphere, and a summary of the different femininities portrayed by the characters, along with the role morality and fate played in the film.

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