scholarly journals Making the ordinary exceptional: the success of a Polish YouTube monk

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Barbara Thériault ◽  
Konrad Pędziwiatr
Keyword(s):  
Practical Theology ◽  
Small Sample ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

In this brief essay, we look at a contemporary example of “practical theology:” a fragment of the internet production of Adam Szustak, a Polish Dominican monk, combined with interviews with a small sample of subscribers. Searching for clues to his success, we are attentive to the life conduct and aesthetics he conveys in his videos. In presenting himself as “ordinary,” “normal,” and “authentic,” we argue that he succeeds in speaking to the aspirations and interests of young Catholics in Poland in the context of the increasing politicization of the Church and the strengthening alliance of its more conservative faction with the right-wing government.

The Spanish Church and The Revolutionary Republican Movement, 1930–1931

1962 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-439
Author(s):  
José M. Sánchez
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Nineteen Thirties ◽  
Republican Movement ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Church

Few subjects in recent history have lent themselves to such heated polemical writing and debate as that concerning the Spanish Church and its relationship to the abortive Spanish revolution of 1931–1939. Throughout this tragic era and especially during the Civil War, it was commonplace to find the Church labelled as reactionary, completely and unalterably opposed to progress, and out of touch with the political realities of the twentieth century.1 In the minds of many whose views were colored by the highly partisan reports of events in Spain during the nineteen thirties, the Church has been pictured as an integral member of the Unholy Triumvirate— Bishops, Landlords, and enerals—which has always conspired to impede Spanish progress. Recent historical scholarship has begun to dispel some of the notions about the right-wing groups,2 but there has been little research on the role of the clergy. Even more important, there has been little understanding of the Church's response to the radical revolutionary movements in Spain.

scholarly journals RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AND OFFICIAL POLITICS: THE CONFIGURATIONS OF RELATIONSHIP UNDER THE CONDITIONS OF POST-IDEOLOGY AND THE INTERNET

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
A.A. Baryshev ◽  
V.V. Kashpur
Keyword(s):  
Mass Culture ◽  
Social Constructionist ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Online Groups ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The article examines population, discursive and network approaches in political sociology to build more realistic models for describing the political field, which includes a complex of new relations between extremists and legitimate political actors in the context of the observed right turn in the functioning of political systems in many countries. The case study method was used to study the relationship between right-wing extremist communities and legal participants in the political field under the aforementioned conditions. To formulate the cases, we selected real situations associated with heterogeneous drivers of the right turn: a) right-wing populist parties, b) a bloc of right-centrist parties, c) the ruling conservative state-party alliance. Based on the materials of the generated cases, the social-constructionist, discursive nature of the concepts of (right-wing) extremism is shown, manifested in the desire of the dominant political forces to fix the categorizations of opponents that are beneficial to them and in the practices of resistance to imposed nominations as practices of liberation from stigmatization. The role of mutual transitions of political cultures and subcultures in the mechanism of functioning of liberal democracy is described. The typification of the configurations of the transmission of right-wing extremist opinions and sentiments into official political forms and into mass culture is carried out. According to sociological studies of the activity of Russian right-wing extremist online groups and their members, it has been established that under the conditions of the soft regime of state countering extremist propaganda, these opinions and sentiments are localized in online groups, and in the case of harsh prohibitive measures, they "creep" across politically neutral sites and groups. In practical terms, this creates a danger for the ruling alliance to remain on the extreme right flank of the political spectrum face to face with the growing radicalization of the mass of the population, and in aspect of the theory, it creates a problem of developing a model of political equilibrium in the era of post-ideology and the Internet.

scholarly journals Making Your Own Story of It

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Niklas Füllner
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Critical Approach ◽  
Theatre History ◽  
Political Theatre ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
The Spectator ◽  
The One ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Church

The paper discusses Oliver Frljić’s production of Klątwa(Engl.: “The Curse”) which is based on the play with the same title by Stanisław Wyspiański. Klątwapremiered in Teatr Powszechny in Warsaw on 18 February 2017 and created the biggest theatre scandal in the early theatre history in Poland as both the right-wing government and the right-wing movement in Poland regarded it as blasphemous and – unsuccessfully – tried to prevent further performances. In KlątwaOliver Frljić questions the understanding of historiography promoted by the Polish government that prefers to focus only on stories about heroes and he criticises both the abuse of power in the church and in the institutionalized theatre. The strategies of Oliver Frljić’s political theatre are analyzed in the light of Jacques Rancière’s thoughts about critical theatre. In Klątwa Frljić develops a theatre of dissensus in the sense of Rancière. He undertakes a “dissensual re-configuration”[1]of political theatre by changing the frames, by playing around and by questioning the means used in theatre. But Frljić also deviates from this strategy when he creates images on stage that convey meanings directly and simply. Yet, these images fit into Frljić’s strategy of questioning the official Polish historiography by deconstructing the symbols it is based on. Oliver Frljić’s theatre of emancipation, a theatre that believes in the potential of the spectator to emancipate him- or herself as suggested by Rancière in The Emancipated Spectator (Rancière 2009), manages to make visible authoritarian and undemocratic developments in Polish politics and to offer a critical approach to history in contrast to the one-sided view the Polish government tries to establish. [1]Rancière 2010, p. 140.

scholarly journals Canonical Boundaries of the Orthodox Mission on the Internet: Raising Questions

2020 ◽  
pp. 191-213
Author(s):  
Виктор Ленок
Keyword(s):  
Target Audience ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
The Right ◽  
Modern Orthodox ◽  
The Church ◽  
Illustrative Material

В настоящем исследовании предпринимается попытка постановки основных вопросов, связанных с современной православной миссией в сети Интернет. Предлагается обратить внимание на канонические аспекты регламентации православной миссии в сети. Приводятся примеры как канонически правомерной Интернет-миссии, так и миссии, нарушающей каноны Православной Церкви, и последствий таких нарушений. Предлагается исследование того, какие формы православной миссии в Интернете допустимы и недопустимы для мирян, священников и монашествующих, а также кто и что имеет право говорить от лица Церкви в сети. Поднимается вопрос целевой аудитории современной православной Интернет-миссии и вопрос о ее канонических границах.В качестве иллюстративного материала взяты самые современные международные Интернет-платформы, на которых ведется русскоязычная православная миссия399, такие как Facebook, YouTube, Instagram и другие. В качестве примеров миссии взяты выступления в Интернете епископов, священников и мирян Русской Православной Церкви 2019-2020 годов. The present study attempts to raise the main issues related to the modern Orthodox mission on the Internet. It is proposed to pay attention to the canonical aspects of the regulation of the Orthodox mission on the network. Examples are given of both the canonically legitimate Internet mission and the mission violating the canons of the Orthodox Church, and the consequences of such violations. It is proposed to study what forms of the Orthodox mission on the Internet are permissible and unacceptable for laity, priests and monastics, as well as who and what has the right to speak on behalf of the Church online. The question of the target audience of the modern Orthodox Internet mission and the question of its canonical borders is raised.As an illustrative material, the most modern international Internet platforms on which the Russian- speaking Orthodox mission is conducted, such as Facebook, YouTube, Instagram and others, are taken. As examples of the mission, speeches on the Internet of bishops, priests and laity of the Russian Orthodox Church 2019-2020 are taken.

scholarly journals Orthodox Clergy and Right-Wing Political Movements in Russia at the Beginning of XX Century: Church Press

2021 ◽  
pp. 286-305
Author(s):  
A. A. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
National Union ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The question of the attitude of the Orthodox Russian clergy to the right-wing political parties at the beginning of the 20th century — the Black Hundreds (the Union of the Russian People, the Russian People’s Union named after Mikhail Archangel, etc.) and Russian nationalists (the All-Russian National Union and related organizations) is considered. The novelty of the research is seen in the introduction into scientific circulation of new sources (materials of the church press), which make it possible to make a number of significant clarifications in the existing ideas about the relationship between the Orthodox Church and right-wing political organizations. Particular attention is paid to the differences in the views of clergymen on the Black Hundred unions and political structures of Russian nationalists. The reasons for the cooperation of conservative Orthodox pastors with the Black Hundred unions and organizations of Russian nationalists and the circumstances that forced the clergy to show concern for the views and activities of right-wing parties are shown. It is argued that the secularization and Westernization of Russian nationalism, which led to the departure of its ideologists and followers from the foundations of the Orthodox doctrine and church worldview, became the main reasons for the wary attitude of church circles towards the political organizations of Russian nationalists.

scholarly journals Dehumanizacja w komentarzach internetowych w polskich portalach informacyjnych. Identyfikacja i klasyfikacja zjawiska na przykładzie odbioru Fransa Timmermansa

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-474
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Domagała
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

Dehumanization in the Internet Comments on Polish News Portals. Identification and Classification of the Phenomenon, on the Example of the Reception of Franz Timmermans The paper addresses the issue of the main types of dehumanization in the Polish right-wing portals (wPolityce, DoRzeczy, Republika) and the conceptualization of hypotheses concerning the relationship between framing and the content of comments on the Vice-President of the European Commission, Frans Timmermans. The premise of the paper is that an article and its comments form a specific entity and in tandem constitute its essence (global sense) together. In the literature review, some types of dehumanization were distinguished: animalization, biologization, objectification, subhumanization, demonization. An insectization was added as an extremely hateful form of de-humanization. Then the role of political hate speech and selected forms of dehumanization in the portals was determined by specially prepared indicators. Comments in the right-wing identity portals like wPolityce and Republika are specific with the noticeable role of insectization and demonization. Subsequently, the dehumanization comments in right-wing portals were compared with the comments on TVPInfo and Gazeta.pl. The latters, in comparison to right-wing portals, turned out to be similar when it comes to dehumanization as such and political hate speech, but contained a limited number of dehumanization forms. Frames based on conflict were consistently used in all the portals. However, the right-wing portals were distinguished by a much greater role of moral frames, which, combined with expressive linguistic forms, constituted strong frames.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

The Politics of Repressed Guilt

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Critical Scholarship ◽  
Important Addition ◽  
Defensive Mechanisms ◽  
The Right

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.

Jewish Question in the Ideology and Political Practice of Russian Monarchists in the Beginning of the 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 232-261
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Population ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
First World

The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.

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