The Politics of Repressed Guilt

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb
Keyword(s):  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Critical Scholarship ◽  
Important Addition ◽  
Defensive Mechanisms ◽  
The Right

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.

Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

scholarly journals Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests: The case of Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3 - Sup2) ◽  
pp. 169-177
Author(s):  
Fabio Andrés Díaz Pabón
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Unexpected Consequence ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Latin American Countries

Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forces now see protests as valid and normal. Drawing on a brief historical analysis of protest movements in Colombia since 1948, and particularly after 2002, this article argues that to understand the recent normalization of this form of political expression we should look at changes in the dynamics of competition within the Right.

scholarly journals The Right-Wing Backlash in Brazil and Beyond

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Leigh A. Payne ◽  
Andreza Aruska de Souza Santos
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Moral Worth ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military

Who is entitled to have rights? This essay examines how right-wing movements attempt to prevent individuals, especially women and members of LGBT groups, from accessing equal rights through the use of terms such as “moral worth” and “family values.” At the core of our discussion of the backlash against social rights in Latin America is the need to compare and contrast the case examined here with similar movements outside the region. The vast enterprise of studies on right-wing movements in Western Europe rarely travels outside a few national boundaries. Eastern Europe and the United States are occasionally included. For the most part, right-wing movements are not seen as comparable. Sometimes the reason for excluding Latin America is expressly stated, particularly because the historical experiences are so distinct—for example, the long duration of personal or military dictatorships. Interpretations of right-wing movements in Latin America by scholars outside the region tend to view them as associated with the period of authoritarian rule in the 1970s and 1980s or misunderstand them as having little impact on political life (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996, 1630). Analysis within the region has tended to focus on right-wing political parties, religious groups, or the military (Fortes 2016, Goldstein 2019; Hunter 1997; Luna and Rovira 2014). There are few studies of right-wing movements comparing regions. Latin America is thus seen as largely irrelevant to the comparative study of right-wing movements.

Right-Wing Parties in Odessa in 1904 –1917

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 621-642
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
City Population ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Main Activity ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The City

The article examines the creation, social structure, quantity, financing and main activity directions of the monarchist organizations in Odessa in 1904 – 1917. Odessa became one of the centers of the monarchist movement in Russia, in the period under consideration there were about ten right-wing organizations in the area, some of them being subsidiaries of the all-Russia parties, and some – independent parties. High degree of the city population politicization was conditioned by sharp interethnic and economic contradictions and became the cause of mass monarchic movement, while mixed social structure and personal conflicts among monarchist leaders promoted the split of active monarchist organizations in Odessa and the appearance of the new ones. Right-wing parties in Odessa played a prominent role in the public and political life of the city, especially in 1906 -1912. Then due to various reasons this influence started to decrease. With the beginning of the First World War the monarchist movement in Odessa experienced certain growth. However, the draft of right-wing activists to the army filed forces, the decrease of monarchist ideas popularity in society, as well as social and economic difficulties of the war time, very soon led to the critical weakening of the right organizations in Odessa, followed by their disappearance from the political arena in February of 1917.

The Radical Right in Post-Soviet Ukraine

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melanie Mierzejewski-Voznyak
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Right ◽  
Electoral Performance

During much of Ukraine’s post-Soviet history, the radical right has remained on the political periphery, wielding little influence over national politics. However, from 2009 to 2014, Ukraine saw a radical right-wing party, Svoboda, enter parliament, and from 2014 to 2016 there was an increased social role played by the right-wing radical groups Pravyi Sektor and Azov. Thus, the political impact of the far right in Ukraine extends beyond electoral performance and to the activities of extra-parliamentary groups that are beginning to penetrate political life and state institutions. The radical right in Ukraine is intertwined, but not identical, with ethnic Ukrainian nationalism. The direction and development of the Ukrainian far right have thus been a result of both the historical legacy and cultural context of a nation that was ruled over by others for centuries and is home to competing ethnic nationalisms and geopolitical orientations.

scholarly journals Transforming the Party Identity of German Radical Right: In Search of Female Support

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 706-718
Author(s):  
Ekaterina S. Burmistrova
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Modern Germany ◽  
Party Identity ◽  
The Right ◽  
Alternative For Germany

The crises of the beginning of the 21st century changed the political landscape of modern Germany, which was manifested in increasing right-wing radicalism. As the party identity of the far-right transforms, they shift from being marginal nationalist anti-migrant forces, contradicting the democratic culture of Germany, to movements which defend identity and rights, including womens rights. Thus, the far-right in Germany claim to become a part of the civic culture that includes the right to criticize and disagree with the governments policies. The article examines how far-right parties interact with the female electorate on the example of the Alternative for Germany party. The study highlights the main activities of the Alternative for Germany in attracting womens votes, based on the analysis of the partys political program, interviews with party members and media materials. These activities include the orientation towards the socio-economic issues, concerning women, the consideration of the migrant problem through the prism of the Muslim threat towards women, the protection of the interests of conservative women, the attraction of women as party leaders. The author pays a special attention to female right-wing activists, as independent actors in the political life of Germany. Based on the cases of Beate Zschpe, Francisca Berit and #120db movement, the following interests of female activists were determined: opposing to gender mainstreaming, which threatens the traditional family structure, and opposing to Islam as a source of violence against women. Alternative for Germany aims at strengthening its positions among all women, whose rights are an integral part of European identity, therefore, the actualization of womens involvement in the movement becomes not only instrumental, but also of value nature. More radically oriented female activists get involved in the European Identitarian movement.

scholarly journals Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism

XLinguae ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-330
Author(s):  
Simona Frastikova ◽  
Miroslava Najslova
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
Correct Application ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.

Right to contestation, patron-client networks, and corruption

2012 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Orekhovsky
Keyword(s):  
Open Access ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Limited Access ◽  
The Right ◽  
Main Factor

In the paper the nature of Russian corruption is considered along the lines proposed by D. North, J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. The author considers patron-client networks as basic political and economic actors of the limited access order. The redistributive rent allocated within patron-client networks is not a corruption phenomenon. The main factor that is able to destroy patron-client networks and autonomous centers of power is the right to contestation (liberalization) according to R. Dahl. Realization of that right together with the right to participate in political life enables transition to the open access society.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

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