Germany and Russia – Unexpected Strategic Partnership

Author(s):  
H. Shpanger

In the article, the issues of Russia–Germany strategic cooperation are examined, the origin of this cooperation and the way Russia fits in Germany's foreign policy perspective is analyzed. Obviously simplified, but particularly popular Anglo-Saxon standpoint is that Germany has gone poorly because of its energy dependence on Russia does not give a convictive answer. The reason lies in fundamental principles of the German self-awareness and Germany's foreign policy baseline orientation. According to the conventional wisdom, Germany and Russia are presently two fringes of the modernity continuum. It is hardly possible to find another similarly “restless” pair of states in Europe, which, however, does not hinder them in building up relationship profitable for each other.

2018 ◽  
pp. 91-154
Author(s):  
Chaitanya Ravi

This chapter concentrates on the period from July 2005–March 2006 and examines the way in which the nuclear deal and the US-India strategic partnership wrapped around it influenced India’s energy and foreign policy, in particular the Iran–Pakistan–India (IPI) natural gas pipeline and Iran–India relations. The chapter follows the shifting relationships between Petroleum Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar; External Affairs Minister, Natwar Singh; and Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. An important part of the chapter is the US Ambassador to India David Mulford’s role vis a vis the IPI pipeline and the factors that gave rise to the idea of a nuclear deal with India among a small coterie in the State Department. The chapter concludes with the collision of the rival energy initiatives, the strategic paradigms wrapped around them and the way in which the nuclear deal prevailed over the pipeline with Natwar’s exit and Aiyar’s dismissal being important milestones.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-173
Author(s):  
Md. Sayedur Rahman ◽  
Shakila Tul-Kubra

In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.


Author(s):  
A. Devyatkov ◽  
A. Makarychev

The article analyzes the contours of today’s German “Eastern policy” and its interconnection with the Russian-German “strategic partnership”. The authors come to a conclusion, that German “Eastern policy” is embedded not only in the context of (geo)economic interests, but to the same extent in the context of European and Euro-Atlantic solidarity. The format of bilateral “strategic partnership” resolves only a part of Russian foreign policy tasks, without developing multilateral initiatives, which would involve other key actors, like Poland, and would be more productive for realization of Russian interests in Europe.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Anindito Rizki Wiraputra

Indonesia as a country which did not ratify UN Convention 1951 on Status of Refugees and Protocol 1967,  issued a Presidential Decree No.125/2016 on Handling Overseas Refugee in addressing the issues of  foreign nation subject who intend to seek refuge by passing through Indonesian territory, generally aiming  to seek refuge in Australia. These foreign nation subject introduced as “refugee” by media although the  subject is unrecognized by Indonesian immigration law system. Indonesian immigration law only recognize  subject as a person who enter or leave Indonesian territory by legal or illegal means. The definition of  Refugee on Presidential Decree No.125/2016 is the first definition of the subject in Indonesian legal system,  refers to both Refugee and Asylum Seekers in UN Convention 1951, which supposed to have different  handling methods. Therefore, the implementation of Presidential Decree No.125/2016 leads to different  understanding in immigration and foreign policy perspective on Refugee subject.   


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-148
Author(s):  
D. G. Dragan

In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilma Fitriani ◽  
Leni Marlina

This thesis is the analysis of a novel which written by Chris Abani entitled Graceland (2004). It explores the issue of step up efforts to enlightenment which reflected by the main character. It is also intended to find out the contribution of fictional devices such as character, plot (conflict), and setting in revealing the issue of efforts to enlightenment. This analysis is related to the concept of life instinct which self-awareness by Sigmund Freud that is supported by the text-based and context-based interpretation. The result of this analysis shows about the way the main character effort to enlightenment in dealing with any situation in his life by building self-awareness, gaining thinking skill and having vocational skill.  


Does political Islam have a specific vision of global politics? How has the foreign policy of Islamist forces developed in order to impose their ideas onto the diplomatic agenda of other countries? How do these actors perceive the world, international affairs, and the way Islamic countries should engage with the international system? Eager to break with the dominant grammar of international relations, and instead to fuse Muslim states in a unique religious and political entity, Muslim actors have had to face up to the realities that they had promised to transform. Drawing on a series of case studies, this collective work sheds light on six national trajectories of Islamism: in Morocco (the Party of Justice and Development), Tunisia (Ennhada), Egypt (the Muslim Brotherhood), Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hizbullah) and Turkey (AKP). It looks at what has been produced by the representatives of political Islam in each case, and the way these representatives have put their words and their ideological aspirations into action within their foreign policies.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


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