Nuclear Arms: Blind Alley or Pause?

Author(s):  
A. Arbatov

Signing and ratification of the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) by the U.S. and Russia in 2010–2011 inspired the adherents of interaction between two nations on arms reduction in both states, as well as in Western Europe and the rest of the world. Due to the new Treaty, in 2010 the summit of the leading states on nuclear materials and technologies security took place; a regular conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NNPT) scrutiny went successfully. Many a one thought that after 10 years of stagnation it set the wheels in motion, and the world free from nuclear arms that the Presidents of both countries called for became a closer reality. But by the end of 2011, the optimism gradually gave place to a growing pessimism. During the ratification of the Treaty of Prague in Winter 2010–2011, both Parliaments raised reservation clauses as requirements for execution of the Treaty – almost diametrically opposed, and incompatible with the prolongation of negotiations on arms reduction. In the present article, the attempt is made to sort out the reasons of such drastic strategic "volte-face", and to suggest both ways out of deadlocks and ways to restore progressive advance in the matter of arms control, which is a binding condition for non-proliferation regimes enhancement.

Capitalisms ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 327-348
Author(s):  
Nelly Hanna

Studies of capitalism have often been based on the European or, more often, the nineteenth-century English experience. Its sources were taken to be based on the European experience, the trading companies of the sixteenth century, Protestantism, and so on. From there, it was diffused to the rest of the world. To fully understand capitalism, one had to focus on the European experience and the restrictive definitions that were based on its development in Western Europe. The Eurocentric approach to this subject is now being reconsidered. Studies of regions outside Europe are now showing that the emergence of capitalism was a much more complex and diverse trend, and it could have multiple sources. The present article focuses on one of these sources.


Author(s):  
Alexander Savelyev

Beijing explains its firm unwillingness to join the United States and Russia in nuclear arms control talks by the fact that China’s nuclear arsenal is incomparable with respective potentials of the world’s two leading nuclear powers. China urges Russia and the U.S. to go ahead with the nuclear disarmament process on a bilateral basis, and promises it will be prepared to consider the possibility of its participation in the negotiations only when its counterparts have downgraded their arsenals approximately to China’s level. Washington finds this totally unacceptable and demands that China either join the existing Russian-U.S. strategic New START treaty right away or agree to enter into a trilateral nuclear arms control format. This article studies the prospects of China’s involvement in nuclear arms talks and analyzes the true reasons behind Beijing’s desire to avoid any nuclear disarmament deals at this point. The working hypothesis of this paper is that China’s stance on the above issue is by no means far-fetched or propagandistic, and that it is driven by fundamental political, military and strategic considerations. Disregard for this factor and further forceful efforts to bring China to the negotiating table to discuss nuclear arms control will lead to failure.


Author(s):  
M. L. Polishchuk
Keyword(s):  

In Polishchuk, M.L., Ph.D., professor of decades taught philosophy at MGIMO (University), led Philosophical Club. He is currently a Visiting Professor at several universities in the world the U.S., Israel, Western Europe, continued regular cooperation with (University). This publication is the author of the presentation on russian of his book "The Great inquiry. The philosophy of the balance of history." ( Moscow, the Canon Plus, 2012.)


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1387-1403
Author(s):  
Kjølv Egeland

Abstract Influential members of the disarmament community have in recent years maintained that further progress towards the international community's nominally shared goal of a world without nuclear weapons depends on recapturing the spirit and practices of cooperation that prevailed in the late 1980s and 1990s. Proponents of abolition, in this view, should focus their efforts on revitalizing the tried and tested arms control formula that was implemented following the end of the Cold War. In this article, I argue that this call to make disarmament great again reflects unwarranted nostalgia for a past that never was, fostering overconfidence in established approaches to the elimination of nuclear weapons. Far from putting the world on course to nuclear abolition, the end of the Cold War saw the legitimation of nuclear weapons as a hedge against ‘future uncertainties’ and entrenchment of the power structures that sustain the retention of nuclear armouries. By overselling past progress towards the elimination of nuclear arms, the nostalgic narrative of a lost abolitionist consensus is used to rationalize the existing nuclear order and delegitimize the pursuit of new approaches to elimination such as the movement to stigmatize nuclear weapons and the practice of nuclear deterrence.


2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehmet Bulut

AbstractThe present paper focuses on the role of the Ottomans and Dutch in the early commercial integration between the Levant and Atlantic in the seventeenth century. As an expanding trading nation in the world economy, the Dutch Republic played an important role in the commercial integration between the provinces of the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe. The growth of Ottoman-Dutch economic relations in the seventeenth century followed the growth of economic relations between the provinces of the Empire and Western Europe.Therefore, the two world economic systems, the Ottoman and Western European economy increasingly opened to each other. Le présent article examine les rôles respectifs des Ottomans et des Néerlandais dans le début de l'intégration commerciale entre le Levant et l'Océan Atlantique au XVIIème siècle. Nation commerciale en expansion dans l'économie mondiale, la République hollandaise a joué un rôle important dans l'intégration commerciale des provinces de l'Empire Ottoman à l'Europe Occidentale dans la même période. La croissance des relations économiques entre le monde ottoman et la Hollande au XVIIème siècle a suivi la progression des échanges entre l'Empire et l'Europe occidentale. En conséquence, les deux systèmes économiques du monde se sont de plus en plus ouverts l'un à l'autre.


Author(s):  
A. Arbatov

The article is addressed to an unprecedented crisis of the system and process of nuclear arms control – including nuclear arms reduction and non-proliferation. During a half century history of the practical nuclear disarmament (counting from the 1963 partial nuclear tests ban treaty – PTB) this process has had many ups and downs, but never has it been so deeply deadlocked. Although the two main nuclear treaties are still implemented: the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) of 2010 and the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) of 1987, their future is increasingly uncertain and their validity is eroding, just as that of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 and other agreements in this crucial sphere. For the first time in the last fifty years the world is facing a real threat of totally loosing control over the most destructive weapons created in the history of mankind. What is the most amazing – this is happening half a century after the end of the Cold War, when the hopes emerged that nuclear disarmament would finally become a realistic proposition. Dramatic events in and around Ukraine are badly exacerbating the crisis of nuclear arms control, but they are not its original cause. The article is analyzing the principal reasons of the present crisis: the transforming post-post Cold War world order; Russia’s position and role in the new international environment; the military-strategic, economic and technological developments, which are leading to disintegration of former conceptual premises and mechanisms of nuclear arms control and which are not adapted to the changing objective realities. In conclusion some general proposals are provided with the aim of saving, adopting and enhancing nuclear arms limitation and non-proliferation.


1963 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Wolf

If one thinks seriously about any of the major international trouble spots in the world today, one soon confronts the problem of what really is the “value” of, for example, Cuba, Berlin, or Laos to the United States. The view put forward in this article is that, while the question is unanswerable in a rigorous and precise sense, some useful things can be said in approaching it, and in trying to distinguish between more and less unsatisfactory answers to it. In principle, of course, the value of other countries to the United States includes that of the advanced countries, and, most significantly, of Western Europe. The present article, however, will be primarily concerned with the value of less-developed countries to the United States, and with their value in certain extreme contingencies over a time period that is relatively short from the standpoint of history, though somewhat longer from the standpoint of economics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 245-250
Author(s):  
A. Speckhard

SummaryAs a terror tactic, suicide terrorism is one of the most lethal as it relies on a human being to deliver and detonate the device. Suicide terrorism is not confined to a single region or religion. On the contrary, it has a global appeal, and in countries such as Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan it has come to represent an almost daily reality as it has become the weapon of choice for some of the most dreaded terrorist organizations in the world, such as ISIS and al-Qaeda. Drawing on over two decades of extensive field research in five distinct world regions, specifically the Middle East, Western Europe, North America, Russia, and the Balkans, the author discusses the origins of modern day suicide terrorism, motivational factors behind suicide terrorism, its global migration, and its appeal to modern-day terrorist groups to embrace it as a tactic.


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