scholarly journals Information and political aspects of the Covid-19 pandemic in the United States

Author(s):  
P. Koshkin

The COVID-19 pandemic became the main catalyst of the so-called infodemic in the sphere of public information and communications. The article is an attempt to systematize and conceptualize informational and political aspects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. First, the author explains how the Trump administration responded to the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States both domestically and internationally and how it presented its anti-coronavirus policy to the public. Second, the article analyzes the role of journalists, experts and politicians in instigating or curbing the COVID-19-driven ― infodemic‖ in the United States as coronavirus paved the way for global spread.

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-102
Author(s):  
Nicole Karapanagiotis

This article is a theoretical and ethnographic investigation of the role of marketing and branding within the contemporary ISKCON movement in the United States. In it, I examine the digital marketing enterprises of two prominent ISKCON temples: ISKCON of New Jersey and ISKCON of D.C. I argue that by attending to the vastly different ways in which these temples present and portray ISKCON online—including the markedly different media imagery by which they aim to draw the attention of the public—we can learn about an ideological divide concerning marketing within American ISKCON. This divide, I argue, highlights different ideas regarding how potential newcomers become attracted to ISKCON. It also illuminates an unexplored facet of the heterogeneity of American ISKCON, principally in terms of the movement’s public face.


2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 815
Author(s):  
Clayton Bangsund

In both the United States and Canada, bankruptcy preferential transfer avoidance provisions are aimed at creating equality of distribution among similarly situated creditors. However, there is a key difference in the way each jurisdiction’s regime treats the notion of intent. An analysis of each regime, using examples, illustrates the way in which Canada’s regime effectually does violence to the distributive equality policy objective, while the US regime adheres to it.


1958 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-430
Author(s):  
Gustave Weigel

One of the constant worries of the United States, since the role of a dominant world-power has been thrust on her, is the situation of Latin America. Relations with Canada require thought and preoccupation but they produce no deep concern. Canada and the United States understand each other and they form their policies in terms of friendly adjustment. Yet the same is not true when we consider the bloc of nations stretching to the south of the Rio Grande. They form two thirds of the geographic stretch of the western hemisphere, and they constitute a population equal to ours. The dependence on Latin America on the part of the United States in her capacity as an international power is evident. What is not evident is the way to make our friendship with our southern neighbors a more stable thing than the fragile arrangement which confronts us in the present.


1986 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
Jacques Barzun

The role of commentator has seemed to me invidious ever since I read in a classics journal a description of the chorus in Greek tragedy: “It comments freely about what it does not understand.” But one would have to be uncommonly stupid to have failed to understand he papers in this symposium, marked as they are by lucidity, pedagogical logic, and that very winning quality, personal conviction. As I recalled the several topics treated and reviewed my notes, it seemed to me that there was one point on which everybody agreed, which is this: Tocqueville’s great book was addressed primarily to the French and next to Europe at large, last to the United States. Its aim was to find the way of organizing the aftereffects of revolution, of defusing the explosive charge. The march of democracy was inevitable: need It be violent?


Author(s):  
Pierre Rosanvallon

This chapter turns to the increasingly active role of constitutional courts. These courts have established themselves—not without reservations and challenges—as an essential vector of the push for greater reflexivity. For a long time the United States, India, and the German Federal Republic stood out as exceptions because of their traditional emphasis on judicial review. Now, however, constitutional courts of one sort or another are at the heart of democratic government everywhere. Indeed, some scholars go so far as to discern a veritable “resurrection” of constitutional thought. It is noteworthy that these new constitutional courts on the whole receive strong support from the public, as numerous comparative surveys have shown, and they count among the most legitimate of democratic institutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 121-137
Author(s):  
Sandro Galea

This chapter evaluates the central role of compassion in preventing the contagion next time. During COVID-19, compassion revealed just how many people in the United States are deeply vulnerable to poor health. This vulnerability was often a product of underlying health conditions. There are many health challenges in the United States which annually generate a level of mortality comparable to that of COVID-19, challenges like obesity and addiction. However, America have not addressed these challenges with anywhere near the level of urgency they brought to bear in addressing COVID-19. A key reason why is, arguably, because these challenges are not infectious, making it possible for the public at large to escape the visceral feeling of vulnerability to a disease which transmits through the air and can strike anybody. Instead, they see these challenges somehow as niche issues, the niche being the lives of the marginalized and disadvantaged groups. This outlook allows them to evade the feeling of common humanity which gives rise to compassion. Compassion, then, depends on the understanding of the true nature of health and of the shared vulnerability to disease.


1975 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-142
Author(s):  
Robert G. Craig ◽  
Harry P. Mapp

“There is more than enough evidence to show that the states and localities, far from being weak sisters, have actually been carrying the brunt of domestic governmental progress in the United States ever since the end of World War II … Moreover, they have been largely responsible for undertaking the truly revolutionary change in the role of government in the United States that has occurred over the past decade.”–Daniel J. Elazar, The Public Interest


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-520

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the foreign policy presidency of D. Trump. Based on the approach of neorealism theory to the analysis of foreign policy, it is pointed to the significance of four variables in implementing foreign policy: the peculiarities of the perception by the heads of foreign policy, the strategic culture of the United States, the relations between the state and the society, and the role of domestic state institutions. The author concludes that the Trump administration eliminated a number of obstacles to unilateral foreign policy, putting America first. Trump and his administration were able to coined and launch a significant number of political initiatives that were contrary to the established priorities of the US foreign policy, but not all of the declared intentions had been implemented. However, this does not mean that the administration of Joe Baden will radically revise the main foreign policy ideas of the previous administration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Jakub Dopieralla

Procedural change in Congress, especially in the United States Senate, has been studied quite extensively over the last thirty years. One of the most remarkable aspects of Senate procedural change is the extremely low likelihood that any proposals to change the way the Senate conducts its business will actually pass the relevant procedures and become part of either the Standing Rules of the Senate, or other sources of the procedural outlay. Being fully aware of this, however, senators continue to introduce scores of proposals that deal with many different aspects of the procedural environment, despite the negligible chance of any of them being accepted or even gaining attention from fellow lawmakers or the public. This paper looks at these ‘dead on arrival’ proposals, and tries to provide an explanation for the proposals, grounded in theories that deal with legislators’ building of their personal brands, aimed at helping their chances of re-election.


2013 ◽  
Vol 38 (03) ◽  
pp. 694-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin Sarat ◽  
Katherine Blumstein ◽  
Aubrey Jones ◽  
Heather Richard ◽  
Madeline Sprung-Keyser ◽  
...  

Why have accounts of botched executions not played a larger role in the struggle to end capital punishment in the United States? In the twentieth century, when methods of execution became increasingly controlled and sterilized, botched executions would seem to have had real abolitionist potential. This article examines newspaper coverage of botched executions to determine and describe the way they were presented to the public and why they have contributed little to the abolitionist cause. Although botched executions reveal pain, violence, and inhumanity associated with state killing, newspaper coverage of these events neutralizes the impact of that revelation. Throughout the last century, newspapers presented botched executions as misfortunes rather than injustices. We identify three distinct modes by which newspaper coverage neutralized the impact of botched executions and presented them as misfortunes rather than as systemic injustices: (1) the dual narratives of sensationalism and recuperation in the early years of the twentieth century, (2) the decline of sensationalism and the rise of “professionalism” in the middle of the century, and (3) the emphasis on “balanced” reporting toward the end of the century.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document