scholarly journals Gender Equality on Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainal Abidin ◽  
Dewi Ratnawati ◽  
Taufiqurrohim Taufiqurrahim ◽  
Thoriqul Aziz

<pre><em><span lang="EN-US">Factors related to the discrimination of women's rights include religious perspectives that are contaminated by cultural patriarchy, race, social strata, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, and health. Liberation of women's rights can be realized by Islamic organizations which are free from the negative influence of patriarchal culture. These organizations are Nahdatul Ulama 'and Muhammadiyah. The focus of the discussion includes the gender perspective of Nahdatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. it also want to trace the gender equality perspective of Nahdatul Ulama' and Muhammadiyah. The method used by the writer is in the form of library research. Sources of data are taken from relevant theme raised by the author. The results of research are giving freedom for women to realize their rights and potential both in the public sector and domestic sector.</span></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN-US"> </span></em></pre>

Author(s):  
Marelle Leppik

The purpose of the article is to analyse the principle of gender equality laid down in the interwar Estonian constitutions and to study the relevant court cases at the highest level of appeal in the Supreme Court of the Republic of Estonia (1920–40). When Estonia granted equality rights with the constitution of 1920 and all citizens, men and women alike, were declared to be equal before the law, it placed Estonia among the vanguard of nations in Europe in support of gender equality. The amendment of the constitution in 1933 left the equality principle unchanged. In the new constitution, which went into effect in 1938, gender equality was extended to relations in marriage as well. In the twentieth century, the focus was not on the equality of genders as such, but rather on women’s equality compared to men, and the main question was how to improve women’s rights to gain the equality promised in the constitution. On 1 September 1924, the Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court made a judgment which could be considered the first important court case about women’s rights in Estonia. The Supreme Court issued a complaint submitted by a female lawyer, who challenged a lower court judgement that she – as a woman – was not suitable to be appointed to the position of judge candidate. According to the Supreme Court, the only constitutionally uniform solution that would support gender equality was that all persons – men and women – on the same grounds had the right to become a judge candidate and enter the judiciary in Estonia. However, the court system of the interwar independent Republic of Estonia remained traditionally masculine without any female judiciary, which is in turn indicative not so much of legal, but rather of pragmatic questions about social attitudes. The exploration of tensions in society engendered by the ambition to bring women into positions of authority and to grant women rights in the private family sphere as well, leads to two main conclusions. First, despite the formal equality that was granted by both constitutions of the Republic of Estonia adopted in 1920 and 1937, women’s efforts, e.g. opening the judiciary to women, were met with a degree of ironical resistance, and general emphasis on women’s rights even drew attention to presumable positive discrimination as well. Estonia’s foreign minister Ants Piip wrote an article in the magazine Constitutional Review about the first constitution of the Republic of Estonia in 1925: “It is interesting to note that despite this provision, many laws exist which protect women in industry, thereby discriminating favourably against men.” Since both the 1920 and the 1937 constitution granted gender equality in public, not in the private sphere, the traditional gap between women’s legal position and that of men generally remained unchanged in private family law. Thus, the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Estonia confirmed in 1937 that it was in accordance with the principle of gender equality to restrict the possibilities for married women compared to men to make a testament without any mandatory advisor. According to the court’s reasoning, the regulation was constitutional because the law of succession and the right to make a testament belonged not to the public but to the private sphere. Thereafter, female lawyers drew attention to the fact that a married woman could legally become a judge or a minister – at least it was not prohibited or excluded – and decide the fate of a nation, since this right belonged to the public sphere. And still at the same time, a married woman’s competence to transact in the private sphere was limited compared to men. However, the constitution that went into effect in 1937 brought some changes, since equality in marriage was additionally granted, for instance. Unfortunately, the implementation period of the new constitution was limited to about two years, thus there is no case law to confirm that the constitution brought specific changes in practice.


Author(s):  
Leila Hadj Abdou

This contribution takes a look at the phenomenon of ‘gender-nationalismʼ. It argues that references about gender equality and women’s rights play an important role in contemporary politics of belonging: these references are used as boundary markers in nationalist narratives, constructing the self versus the immigrant other. The contribution traces the emergence of this phenomenon in Europe, and focuses on its occurrence in recent debates. It concludes that whilst gender equality is a crucial claim that needs to be upheld in the public sphere, we also need to pay attention to intersectional mechanisms of exclusion and oppression which are at play in contemporary versions of gender nationalism.


This volume reframes the debate around Islam and women’s rights within a broader comparative literature. It examines the complex and contingent historical relationships between religion, secularism, democracy, law, and gender equality. Part I addresses the nexus of religion, law, gender, and democracy through different disciplinary perspectives (sociology, anthropology, political science, law). Part II localizes the implementation of this nexus between law, gender, and democracy, and provides contextualized responses to questions raised in Part I. The contributors explore the situation of Muslim women’s rights vis-à-vis human rights to shed light on gender politics in the modernization of the nation and to ponder over the role of Islam in gender inequality across different Muslim countries.


2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohit De

This article investigates the formation of a political consensus between conservative ulama, Muslim reformers, nationalist politicians and women's organisations, which led to the enactment of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act in 1939. The Act was a radical piece of social legislation that gave South Asian Muslim women greater rights for divorce than those enjoyed by other women in India and Britain. Instead of placing women's rights and Islamic law as opposed to each other, the legislation employed a heuristic that guaranteed women's rights by applying Islamic law, allowing Muslim politicians, ulama and women's groups to find common ground on an Islamic modernity. By interrogating the legislative process and the rhetorical positions employed to achieve this consensus, the paper hopes to map how the women's question was being negotiated anew in the space created in the legislatures. The legislative debate over family law redefined the boundaries of the public and the private, and forced nationalists to reconsider the ‘women's question’. The transformation of Islamic law through secular legislation also gave greater licence to the courts in their interpretation, and widened the schism between traditional practitioners of fiqh and modern lawyers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Uswatun Hasanah

This article strives for elaborating Thoifur Ali Wafa’s thoughts and his views on women’s rights in his Firdaws al-Na‘īm bi Tawḍīḥ Ma‘ānī Āyāt al-Qur’ān al-Karīm. His work discusses Qur’anic verses, which deals with women and their rights. Considering that Thoifur has been a Muslim scholar who born and live in Sumenep Madura whose people believe in superiority of men upon women, the issue is then undeniably interesting to discuss. It seems that Thoifur, through his work, attempts to reveal religious understanding which tends to be gender biased. He insists to obliterate patriarchal culture and discrimination against women as a result of irresponsibly fault social construction to the understanding of religious texts. Based on his interpretation of verse 21 surah al-Rūm, verse 232 surah al-Baqarah, verse 195 surah Āl ‘Imrān, verse 38 surah al-Mā’idah, verse 34 surah al-Nisā’, verse 187 surah al-Baqarah, verse 228 surah al-Baqarah, verse 19 surah al-Nisā’, verse 229 surah al-Baqarah, verse 36 surah al-Nisā’, verse 15 surah al-Aḥqāf, verse 71 surah al-Tawbah, verse 12 surah al-Mumtaḥanah, and verse 34 surah al-Nisā’, Thoifur argues that women possess a number of rights within both domestic and public spheres. Keywords:; ; ; .


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