scholarly journals Levels of support for the licensing of tobacco retailers in Australia: Findings from the National Drug Strategy Household Survey 2004-2016

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Baker ◽  
Mohd Masood ◽  
Muhammad Aziz Rahman ◽  
Stephen Begg

Abstract Assessing public opinion towards tobacco policies is important, particularly when determining the possible direction of future public health policies. The aim of this study was to describe the implementation of tobacco retailer licensing systems by state and territory governments in Australia, and to use the National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) to assess levels of public support for a retailer licensing system in each jurisdiction over time and by a range of socio-demographic and behavioural attributes. National and state/territory estimates of public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system were derived as proportions using NDSHS data from 2004 to 2016. The effect of one’s jurisdiction of residence on the likelihood of supporting such an initiative in 2016 was assessed using logistic regression while controlling for various socio-demographic and behavioural characteristics. Public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system ranged from a high of 67.2% (95% CI 66.5% – 67.9%) nationally in 2007 and declined to 59.5% (95% CI 58.9% – 60.2%) in 2016. In 2016, support was greatest amongst those from Tasmania, those aged 50 years and older, females, those from the least disadvantaged areas, those living in major cities, never-smokers and never-drinkers. After adjusting for the socio-demographic and behavioural attributes of respondents, those from Queensland were significantly less likely to support a licensing system (adjusted OR = 0.85, 95% CI 0.77 – 0.94) compared to those from other jurisdictions, while those from Tasmania were significantly more likely to support a licensing system compared to those from other jurisdictions (adjusted OR = 1.29 , 95% CI 1.09 – 1.52). A clear majority of the public support a tobacco retailer licensing system, regardless of whether or not such a system is already in place in their jurisdiction of residence. Tobacco control initiatives other than a retailer licensing system may explain some of the residual variations in support observed between jurisdictions.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Baker ◽  
Mohd Masood ◽  
Muhammad Aziz Rahman ◽  
Stephen Begg

Abstract Assessing public opinion towards tobacco policies is important, particularly when determining the possible direction of future public health policies. The aim of this study was to describe the implementation of tobacco retailer licensing systems by state and territory governments in Australia, and to use the National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) to assess levels of public support for a retailer licensing system in each jurisdiction over time and by a range of socio-demographic and behavioural attributes. National and state/territory estimates of public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system were derived as proportions using NDSHS data from 2004 to 2016. The effect of one’s jurisdiction of residence on the likelihood of supporting such an initiative in 2016 was assessed using logistic regression while controlling for various socio-demographic and behavioural characteristics. Public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system ranged from a high of 67.2% (95% CI 66.5% – 67.9%) nationally in 2007 and declined to 59.5% (95% CI 58.9% – 60.2%) in 2016. In 2016, support was greatest amongst those from Tasmania, those aged 50 years and older, females, those from the least disadvantaged areas, those living in major cities, never-smokers and never-drinkers. After adjusting for the socio-demographic and behavioural attributes of respondents, those from Queensland were significantly less likely to support a licensing system (adjusted OR = 0.85, 95% CI 0.77 – 0.94) compared to those from other jurisdictions, while those from Tasmania were significantly more likely to support a licensing system compared to those from other jurisdictions (adjusted OR = 1.29 , 95% CI 1.09 – 1.52). A clear majority of the public support a tobacco retailer licensing system, regardless of whether or not such a system is already in place in their jurisdiction of residence. Tobacco control initiatives other than a retailer licensing system may explain some of the residual variations in support observed between jurisdictions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Baker ◽  
Stephen Begg ◽  
Mohd Masood ◽  
Muhammad Aziz Rahman

Abstract Background: Assessing public opinion towards tobacco policies is important, particularly when determining the possible direction of future public health policies. The aim of this study was to describe the implementation of tobacco retailer licensing systems by state and territory governments in Australia, and use the National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) to assess levels of public support for a retailer licensing system in each jurisdiction over time and by a range of socio-demographic and behavioural attributes. Methods: National and state/territory estimates of public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system were derived as proportions using NDSHS data from 2004 to 2016. The effect of the type of licensing system of one’s jurisdiction of residence on the likelihood of supporting such an initiative in 2016 was assessed using logistic regression while controlling for various socio-demographic characteristics. Results: Public support for a tobacco retailer licensing system ranged from a high of 67.2% (95% CI 66.5% – 67.9%) nationally in 2007 and declined to 59.5% (95% CI 58.9% – 60.2%) in 2016. In 2016, support was greatest amongst those aged 50 years and older, females, those from the least disadvantaged areas, those living in major cities, never-smokers and never-drinkers. Those living in jurisdictions with a ‘negative’ licensing system were more likely to support a licensing system than those living in jurisdictions without any system in place (OR = 1.09, 95% CI 1.01 – 1.17); however this difference disappears after adjusting for the socio-demographic and behavioural attributes of respondents (OR = 1.04, 95% CI 0.96 – 1.12). Conclusions: A clear majority of the public support a tobacco retailer licensing system, regardless of whether or not such a system is already in place in their jurisdiction of residence. While there is variation between jurisdictions in levels of support, this variation largely disappears when the different socio-demographic and behavioural attributes of the respective populations are taken into account.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Kleykamp ◽  
Crosby Hipes ◽  
Alair MacLean

Support for U.S. military personnel appears high, but does it extend to veterans after service ends? This study evaluates public support for social engagement with veterans and spending on recent military veterans’ health care and estimates the extent of socially desirable reporting on these forms of support. It uses a list experiment to identify the extent of socially desirable reporting on topics. Findings demonstrate that the public offers overwhelming support for spending on veterans’ health care and social engagement with the group, but they somewhat overstate this support. Support differs by age, race, and political ideology, and social desirability bias varies by race, political ideology, and prior military experience. African Americans express the lowest levels of support for returning veterans and the greatest extent of socially desirable reporting on that support. This is despite generally high rates of service and greater labor market returns to that service among this demographic group.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Joe Chrisp ◽  
Ville-Veikko Pulkka ◽  
Leire Rincón García

AbstractRecently, the idea of a universal basic income has received unprecedented attention from policymakers, the media and the wider public. This has inspired a plethora of surveys that seek to measure the extent of public support for the policy, many of which suggest basic income is surprisingly popular. However, in a review of past surveys, with a focus on the UK and Finland, we find that overall levels of support for basic income can vary considerably. We highlight the importance of survey design and, by employing new survey data in each country, compare the levels and determinants of support for varied models of basic income. Our results point to the importance of the multi-dimensionality of basic income and the fragility of public support for the idea. The findings suggest that the ability of political actors to mobilise the public in favour of basic income will eventually depend on the precise model they wish to implement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292094640
Author(s):  
Daniel Maliniak ◽  
Eric Parajon ◽  
Ryan Powers

We study how informing the public about the views of international policy experts shapes public support for international cooperation. Using survey experiments, we test whether variation in levels of support among experts with differing types of domain-specific knowledge can shape public support for a recent and politically salient international treaty: the UNFCCC COP21 Paris Climate Agreement. Our results show that the public is, under certain conditions, deferential to the views of experts, with respondents reporting increasingly higher levels of support for the COP21 agreement as support among experts increased. In addition, we provide suggestive evidence that domain-specific expertise matters: When it comes to support for the COP21 agreement, the public is most sensitive to the views of climate scientists, while exposure to the views of international relations and international economics experts have less dramatic and less consistent effects. Despite these results, we find that it is exposing the public to information about opposition to a proposed treaty among members of relevant epistemic communities that has greatest and most consistent effects. Our findings thus provide new insight into the conditions under which epistemic communities can shape public support for particular policy alternatives.


Author(s):  
Ximena Alvial ◽  
Alejandra Rojas ◽  
Raúl Carrasco ◽  
Claudia Durán ◽  
Christian Fernández-Campusano

The Public Health Service in Chile consists of different levels of complexity and coverage depending on the severity and degree of specialization of the pathology to be treated. From primary to tertiary care, tertiary care is highly complex and has low coverage. This work focuses on an analysis of the public health system with emphasis on the healthcare network and tertiary care, whose objectives are designed to respond to the needs of each patient. A review of the literature and a field study of the problem of studying the perception of internal and external users is presented. This study intends to be a contribution in the detection of opportunities for the relevant actors and the processes involved through the performance of Triage. The main causes and limitations of the excessive use of emergency services in Chile are analyzed and concrete proposals are generated aiming to benefit clinical care in emergency services. Finally, improvements related to management are proposed and the main aspects are determined to improve decision-making in hospitals, which could be a contribution to public health policies.


2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew A. Baum ◽  
Tim Groeling

AbstractPrevailing theories hold that U.S. public support for a war depends primarily on its degree of success, U.S. casualties, or conflict goals. Yet, research into the framing of foreign policy shows that public perceptions concerning each of these factors are often endogenous and malleable by elites. In this article, we argue that both elite rhetoric and the situation on the ground in the conflict affect public opinion, but the qualities that make such information persuasive vary over time and with circumstances. Early in a conflict, elites (especially the president) have an informational advantage that renders public perceptions of “reality” very elastic. As events unfold and as the public gathers more information, this elasticity recedes, allowing alternative frames to challenge the administration's preferred frame. We predict that over time the marginal impact of elite rhetoric and reality will decrease, although a sustained change in events may eventually restore their influence. We test our argument through a content analysis of news coverage of the Iraq war from 2003 through 2007, an original survey of public attitudes regarding Iraq, and partially disaggregated data from more than 200 surveys of public opinion on the war.


Author(s):  
Ashley Newton

This study investigates how public charities respond to the public support test – an IRS requirement that at least one-third of a public charity’s financial support is derived from public sources.  Using a large sample of 836,920 charity-year observations during 2009-2018, I find that a disproportionately large number of charities exceed the 33⅓% public support threshold by a small margin.  This result holds only for public charities actually subject to the test (six years of age or older) and not young charities that automatically retain public charity status.  Further, I find that charities that unexpectedly just meet public support test are more likely to understate fundraising expenses.  This evidence implies that the public support levels of charities that just surpass the 33⅓% threshold are likely misrepresented.  Overall, my findings provide new insights into a vitally important regulatory threshold that has been largely neglected in existing research.


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