scholarly journals Effects of 0.5°C Less Global Warming On Climate Extremes in The Contiguous United States

Author(s):  
Liang Chen ◽  
Trent Ford

Abstract The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggests limiting global warming to 1.5°C compared to 2°C would avoid dangerous impacts of anthropogenic climate change and ensure a more sustainable society. As the vulnerability to global warming is regionally dependent, this study assesses the effects of 0.5°C less global warming on climate extremes in the United States. Eight climate extreme indices are calculated based on Coupled Model Intercomparison Project - phase 5 (CMIP5), and North American - Coordinated Regional Climate Downscaling Experiments (NA-CORDEX) with and without bias correction. We evaluate the projected changes in temperature and precipitation extremes, and examine their differences between the 1.5°C and 2°C warming targets. Under a warming climate, both CMIP5 and NA-CORDEX show intensified heat extremes and reduced cold extremes across the country, intensified and more heavy precipitation in large areas of the North, prolonged dry spells in some regions of the West, South, and Midwest, and more frequent drought events in the West. Results suggest that the 0.5 °C less global warming would avoid the intensification of climate extremes by 32~46% (35~42%) for heat extremes intensity (frequency) across the country and, by 23~41% for heavy precipitation intensity in the North, South, and Southeast. The changes in annual heavy precipitation intensity are mainly contributed by winter and spring. However, impacts of the limited warming on the frequency of heavy precipitation, dry spell, and drought frequency are only evident in a few regions. Although uncertainties are found among the climate models and emission scenarios, our results highlight the benefits of limiting warming at 1.5°C in order to reduce the risks of climate extremes associated with global warming.

Author(s):  
Federico Varese

Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in New York, Chinese triads in London, and Italian mafias throughout the West. As this book explains, the truth is more complicated. The author has spent years researching mafia groups in Italy, Russia, the United States, and China, and argues that mafiosi often find themselves abroad against their will, rather than through a strategic plan to colonize new territories. Once there, they do not always succeed in establishing themselves. The book spells out the conditions that lead to their long-term success, namely sudden market expansion that is neither exploited by local rivals nor blocked by authorities. Ultimately the inability of the state to govern economic transformations gives mafias their opportunity. In a series of matched comparisons, the book charts the attempts of the Calabrese 'Ndrangheta to move to the north of Italy, and shows how the Sicilian mafia expanded to early twentieth-century New York, but failed around the same time to find a niche in Argentina. The book explains why the Russian mafia failed to penetrate Rome but succeeded in Hungary. A pioneering chapter on China examines the challenges that triads from Taiwan and Hong Kong find in branching out to the mainland. This book is both a compelling read and a sober assessment of the risks posed by globalization and immigration for the spread of mafias.


1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 656-657

Council It was reported in the press on July 20, 1956 that the west German government was preparing to bring its anxieties about United Kingdom and United States suggestions for a reduction in armed forces before the meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Council, but contrary to expectation, at the July 25 meeting of the Council no reference was made to the reduction of forces. The press did note on July 25 that the United States Secretary of State Dulles gave reassurances to the German ambassador that the United States contemplated no change from the existing number of troops at that time and was still in favor of a German contribution of twelve divisions to NATO. Press reports also noted that the west German government transmitted notes to the members of the Western European Union calling for a review of allied strategy and military planning in view of moves by the United States and United Kingdom to cut their armed forces.


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 101414
Author(s):  
Jonathon P. Schuldt ◽  
Peter K. Enns ◽  
Sara Konrath ◽  
Norbert Schwarz

2021 ◽  
Vol 129 ◽  
pp. 08017
Author(s):  
Carmen Valentina Radulescu ◽  
Iulian Gole ◽  
Marius Profiroiu

Research background: After the summit of G7 held in the United Kingdom, important decisions regarding future actions against global warming were taken. Some of them were appreciated by the environmental supporters but many others tend to have a different view, especially because of lack of details. Purpose of the article: In this article, we will analyse what are the measure proposed by the most powerful and developed countries, members of G7, what is the position of the other big countries (China and Russia) that were not invited, and how this could really contribute to the saving environment progress. Methods: Through descriptive and comparative analysis the paper reveals the financial and technical difficulties to implement these decisions and how they can contribute to a better environment and achieve the COP 21 objective. Findings & Value added: The stress caused by the Covid-19 pandemic in all economies didn’t cancel the engagement of countries taken in Paris, to limit the rise of global temperatures to 1.50C comparing to the preindustrial era. The United States even came back on track and, generally speaking, it appears that there is a stronger will to take concrete actions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shelly Bhagat ◽  

One of the greatest threats to humanity is climate change, the effects of which have become evident in recent years with wildfires raging through the west coast of the United States, glaciers and icecaps melting in the arctic, and an increasing number of seasonal hurricanes. Scientists predict that we have approximately ten years to reverse climate change before its effects become permanent.


1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (01) ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
Michael Mandelbaum

Of all modern machines, indeed of all the artifacts of modern culture, the bomb is the most frightening. It is the most dangerous of all human inventions. The American, European, and Soviet people have always known how dangerous it is. They have, nevertheless, left nuclear weapons in the hands of the nuclear priesthood. (In the Soviet Union this has not been a matter of choice.) In the 1980s some in the West resolved to take control of the bomb. They began to demand that disarmament replace deterrence as the principal nuclear business of the Atlantic alliance.Probably from 1945 onward the average American or European would, if asked, have said that he wanted to do away with all nuclear arsenals rather than refine or increase them. But the average Westerner was not asked, and did not say so, at least not in any way that influenced public policy. In the 1980s citizens of the West did begin to say so, publicly, loudly, and in growing numbers. For the first time, a mass movement dedicated to shaping the nuclear future appeared on both sides of the Atlantic.In this, as in other things, the North American and the European wings of NATO differ. Opposition to the alliance's nuclear weapons policies made itself known earlier in Europe than in the United States. Both European and American anti-nuclear weapons activists aimed ultimately to lift the nuclear siege that the world must endure as long as these weapons exist. But each rallied around a more immediate issue, and the issues were different. The Europeans opposed the stationing of 572 intermediate-range missiles on the continent, which the NATO governments deemed necessary to offset comparable Soviet weapons. In the United States a proposal to freeze the deployment, testing, and manufacture of all weapons by both superpowers attracted wide support.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Mansbridge

Trend plus inaction equals drift. When a trend has external causes and no one can act to intervene, that inaction leads to drift—the unimpeded trajectory of change. Drift in the United States produces the domination of American democracy by business interests. Drift in international decisions produces global warming. Specific institutional designs for government, such as the US separation of powers, can cause the inaction that facilitates drift. More fundamentally, ingrained patterns of thinking can cause inaction. Here I argue that the long and multifacetedresistance traditionin the West contributes to inaction by focusing on stopping, rather than using, coercion.


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