The Geopolitical Origins of the Crimean War (1853-1856) and the Secret Russian-Iranian Negotiations

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Nugzar K. Ter-Oganov
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
Marxist Ideology ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Support ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

The Crimean War of 1853-1856 is regarded as one of the bloodiest wars in the history of XIX century. Many authors dedicated their research for studying the military and political backgrounds of the Crimean War. It is notable that according to the Western (mainly, the British) historical tradition, as well as to the Soviet historiography, based on the Marxist ideology, the only person who was solely responsible for the origin of the Crimean War was the Russian Emperor Nicolai I. Nevertheless, as it becomes clear from the short analyses of the political situation in Europe in the prewar period, the clash of geopolitical interests of the leading European Empires, including France, and Ottoman Empire from one side, with the Russian Empire from another, eventually laid down the grounds for war. For the purpose to guarantee safety on the Russian-Iranian border and at the same time to avoid rendering any possible military support to Ottoman Empire by Qajar Iran, Russia offered the Iranian authorities to conclude a military alliance. The Russian-Iranian diplomatic negotiations, started in May 1853, led to the signing in Tehran, in September 1854 of the secret “Convention of Neutrality”, according to which Iran declared the non-interference policy in the Crimean War. As a reward for the signing of that convention Russia promised Iran not to recover the last payment of the known contribution, equal to a half million tumans, which Iran had to pay to Russia. Keywords: The Crimean War of 1853-1856, the Status of the Black Sea, the Straits of Bosphorus and Dardanelles, the Paris Treaty of 1856, the Russian-Iranian Secret Negotiations in 1853-1854, the Iranian Convention of Neutrality of 1854.

scholarly journals Crimea in the Era of Napoleon: the ‘French trace’ in regional politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 540-559
Author(s):  
Denis V. Konkin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Russian Territory ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Crimea ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

When the Crimea acquired the status of Russian territory in 1783, it became an imperial ‘borderland’ a long way from Saint Petersburg. However, in the geopolitical aspirations of European powers, and, also, from the viewpoint of the Russian Empire, the Crimea was not a remote periphery. The Russian government consistently sought to attract colonists from abroad to the thinly-populated Black Sea region. Several attempts to do so ended in failure; one of these was the organization of farming colonies at the Sea of Azov for French royalist emigrants and military men from Condé’s army. In the era of Napoleon, France paid particular attention to the peninsula; in the complicated foreign policy conditions, France did not miss any opportunity to reconnoitre the internal situation of this potentially unstable province of Russia, with the goal to infl uence the position of the Ottomans towards this territory which at that time was largely populated by Muslims. The author emphasizes that an important aspect of Napoleon’s foreign policy was supporting anti-Russian sentiment in the Ottoman Empire. One of the obvious means to achieve this goal was focusing on the Crimea issue and promising assistance for returning the peninsula into the Ottoman sphere of infl uence. The Russian authorities did not neglect these attempts and countered them skilfully. The author argues that the success of Russia’s policy in the Crimea was mainly related to certain Frenchmen in Russian service. During the Russian-Ottoman confl ict of 1806-1812, the military and administrative measures conducted by Armand de Richelieu, the Governor of New Russia, and Jean de Traversay, the commander of the Black Sea Navy, became an important factor for providing a stable situation within the peninsula.

scholarly journals Montenegrin ruling dynasty of Petrović-Njegoš and the formation of national statehood

2020 ◽  
pp. 214-232
Author(s):  
Natalia G. Strunina-Borodina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Self Identity ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
External Threat ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The 19Th Century

The study traces the history of the Montenegrin lands during the reign of the Petrović-Njegoš family that lasted for more than two centuries, and also examines the main milestones in the formation of Montenegro’s national statehood. Despite the constant external threat (mainly from the Ottoman Empire), self-identity of the Montenegrin people was not eliminated. Throughout the 19th century the formation of state institutions was taking place within the country; with constant help from the Russian Empire Montenegro received recognition of its independence following the results of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877–1878 and the status of a kingdom in 1910.

Битвазапрошлое:храмсвятогоГеоргия вИзраавэпицентре церковно-политическойборьбыконцаXIXв.

2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.

Hearing the Crimean War

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Sound Studies ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
Academic Fields ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Many

This book addresses the sounds of the Crimean War, along with the many ways nineteenth-century wartime is aurally constructed. It examines wide-ranging experiences of listeners in Britain, France, Turkey, Russia, Italy, Poland, Latvia, Daghestan, Chechnya, and Crimea, illustrating the close interplay between nineteenth-century geographies of empire and the modes by which wartime sound was archived and heard. This book covers topics including music in and around war zones, the mediation of wartime sound, the relationship between sound and violence, and the historiography of listening. Individual chapters concern sound in Leo Tolstoy’s wartime writings, and his place within cosmopolitan sensibilities; the role of the telegraph in constructing sonic imaginations in London and the Black Sea region; the absence of archives for the sounds of particular ethnic groups, and how songs preserve memories for both Crimean Tatars and Polish nationalists; the ways in which perceptions of voice rearranged the mental geographies of Baltic Russia, and undermined aspirations to national unity in Italy; Italian opera as a means of conditioning elite perceptions of Crimean battlefields; and historical frames through which to understand the diffusion of violent sounds amid everyday life. The volume engages the academic fields of musicology, ethnomusicology, history, literary studies, sound studies, and the history of the senses.

NEW SCIENTIFIC WORKS ON THE MODERN BELARUSIAN AND POLISH HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE HISTORY OF THE LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA AND THE SOVIET STATE

2021 ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
Oksana Babenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
Academic Science ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

The review presents new publications on the Belarusian and the Polish historiographies of the history of the late Imperial Russia and the Soviet State. Such problems as the number and conditions of detention of foreign prisoners of war in the Belarusian territories of the Russian Empire during the First World War, the influence of the military conflicts of 1914-1921 on the identity of the inhabitants of the Belarusian lands, the initial stage of the formation of academic science in the BSSR, the question of the «invasion» of Poland by the Red Army in September 1939 are highlighted.

scholarly journals World War II in modern interpretations of Russian and Polish politicians

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Boris Valentinovich Petelin ◽  
Vladilena Vadimovna Vorobeva
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
World War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military

In the political circles of European countries attempts to reformat the history of World War II has been continuing. Poland is particularly active; there at the official level, as well as in the articles and in the speeches of politicians, political scientists and historians crude attacks against Russia for its commitment to objective assessments of the military past are allowed. Though, as the authors of this article mention, Russian politicians have not always been consistent in evaluation of Soviet-Polish relationships, hoping to reach a certain compromise. If there were any objections, they were mostly unconvincing. Obviously, as the article points, some statements and speeches are not without emotional colouring that is characteristic, when expressing mutual claims. However, the deliberate falsification of historical facts and evidence, from whatever side it occurs, does not meet the interests of the Polish and Russian peoples, in whose memory the heroes of the Red Army and the Polish Resistance have lived and will live. The authors point in the conclusions that it is hard to achieve mutual respect to key problems of World War II because of the overlay of the 18th – 19th centuries, connected with the “partitions of Poland”, the existence of the “Kingdom of Poland” as part of the Russian Empire, Soviet-Polish War of 1920. There can be only one way out, as many Russian and Polish scientists believe – to understand the complex twists and turns of Russo-Polish history, relying on the documents. Otherwise, the number of pseudoscientific, dishonest interpretations will grow.

Whites and Reds

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen V. Bittner
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Business Practices ◽  
Cultural Meanings ◽  
Important Indicator ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

Whites and Reds: A History of Wine in the Lands of Tsar and Commissar tells the story of Russia’s encounter with viniculture and winemaking. Rooted in the early-seventeenth century, embraced by Peter the Great, and then magnified many times over by the annexation of the indigenous wine economies and cultures of Georgia, Crimea, and Moldova in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries, viniculture and winemaking became an important indicator of Russia’s place at the European table. While the Russian Revolution in 1917 left many of the empire’s vineyards and wineries in ruins, it did not alter the political and cultural meanings attached to wine. Stalin himself embraced champagne as part of the good life of socialism, and the Soviet Union became a winemaking superpower in its own right, trailing only Spain, Italy, and France in the volume of its production. Whites and Reds illuminates the ideas, controversies, political alliances, technologies, business practices, international networks, and, of course, the growers, vintners, connoisseurs, and consumers who shaped the history of wine in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union over more than two centuries. Because wine was domesticated by virtue of imperialism, its history reveals many of the instabilities and peculiarities of the Russian and Soviet empires. Over two centuries, the production and consumption patterns of peripheral territories near the Black Sea and in the Caucasus became a hallmark of Russian and Soviet civilizational identity and cultural refinement. Wine in Russia was always more than something to drink.

Governor in the system of state administration at the beginning of the 19th century

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (02) ◽  
pp. 66-73
Author(s):  
Elena Shahmuhametova ◽  
Malika Yusupova ◽  
Natali Solovyova ◽  
Olga Borisova
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
State Administration ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Military Support ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Military ◽  
Provincial Politics

Provincial politics in the Russian Empire depended on the personality of the emperor, his views and worldview. During the years of Paul’s Government an extreme form of centralization has been established in the activities of the State apparatus. With the arrival of Emperor Alexander I, there was, in our opinion, a symbolic removal of the distance between the supreme power and its military support, which, in fact, removed obstacles to the spontaneous inclusion of the military in political activity in the next fluctuations of this monarch’s line.

Introduction

2016 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Paul Huddie
Keyword(s):  
Black Sea ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
Black Sea Region ◽  
The North ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
North Western

The year 2014 marked the 160th anniversary of the beginning of the Crimean War, 1854–6. It was during that anniversary year that the names of Crimea, Sevastopol, Simferopol and the Black Sea re-entered the lexicon of Ireland, and so did the terms ‘Russian aggression’, ‘territorial violation’ and ‘weak neighbour’. Coincidentally, those same places and terms, and the sheer extent to which they perpetuated within Irish and even world media as well as popular parlance, had not been seen nor heard since 1854. It was in that year that the British and French Empires committed themselves to war in the wider Black Sea region and beyond against the Russian Empire. The latter had demonstrated clear aggression, initially diplomatic and later military, against its perceived-to-be-weak neighbour and long-term adversary in the region, the Ottoman Empire, or Turkey. As part of that aggression Russia invaded the latter’s vassal principalities in the north-western Balkans, namely Wallachia and Moldavia (part of modern-day Romania), collectively known as the Danubian Principalities. Russia had previously taken Crimea from the Ottomans in 1783....

scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF STUDYING THE MILITARY HISTORY OF THE HISTORY OF KAZAKHSTAN

2020 ◽  
pp. 568-574
Author(s):  
M.B. Magulov
Keyword(s):  
Military History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Colonial Policy ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

This article examines the historical and military-historical research of Soviet, Kazakh and Russian scientists, the history of the creation of the armed forces on the territory of Kazakhstan, their formation and development. In Soviet historiography, the development of all national republics, especially their military history, was interpreted through the prism of the history of Russia or the Russian people. For many years, materials from this period (from the beginning of the 20th century until the collapse of the USSR) were not covered in the historical literature. For ideological reasons, the colonial policy of the Russian Empire was hushed up, especially during the First World War, when the "eastern aliens" were not drafted into the regular army, were used only in rear work, because the ruling elite did not trust them with weapons. This period has now begun to be viewed in a different way on the basis of new sources and began to acquire new content. At the same time, the author is guided by such a principle of scientific knowledge as historicism, consistency, comparatively comparable analysis and generalization.

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