scholarly journals Grobovi tipa Mala Kopašnica – Sase: narativ o kontinuitetu

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 711
Author(s):  
Tatjana Cvjetićanin

The graves with cremated burials labelled as Mala Kopašnica – Sase type, supposedly covering more than 70% of registered burials in Moesia Superior, are considered to be an autochthonous form, associated to pre-Roman population, characteristic for the Moesian-Dacian region from 1st to 3rd centuries, rarely spanning to the beginning of 4th century. The general similarity of burial form and relative homogeneity of grave goods are taken as arguments in the interpretation of the key concept of continuity of the prehistoric practices, but as well of unchanged burial practices and continuity of funerary customs lasting at least two centuries of the Roman domination, its cultural superiority, and visible transformation of local identities as a result of systemic and standardized Romanization, and finally, of identification of the autochthonous population of Moesia Superior as actors of this practice. The paper discusses the necropolis Gomilice near Guberevac, the only systematically investigated one in the area of Roman imperial mines at Kosmaj, with domineering burial type of Mala Kopašnica – Sase, as the starting point in reconsidering the current interpretation of this type of burial.

Author(s):  
O.F. Khairullina ◽  
E.M. Chernykh

The paper is focused on burial grounds of the Mazunino Culture (or Mazunino stage of the Cheganda Cul-ture of the Pyany Bor Cultural-Historical Community by R.D. Goldina) in the Middle Kama Region. They date to the 3rd–5th c. AD and chronologically correlate with the Great Migration Period. The processes of major and minor migrations of that time had an impact on various components of the autochthonous Kama Region cultures. The focus of our research is the burials with throwing weapons, primarily arrowheads found in the Mazunino archers’ burials. The interest in throwing weapon was trigged by the heuristical observation of anthropologist Ivan G. Shi-robokov for the Boyar «Aray» cemetery, where the existence of morphological differences in a group of buried men with arrowheads was statistically proven. To examine this phenomenon, a working hypothesis was put for-ward: intra-group differences of one small necropolis could be reflected in the burial rite and the grave goods of all Mazunino archers’ burials. In total, 148 burials and 146 skeletons with arrowheads from 12 necropolises of the Mazunino Culture have been examined. The comparative analysis of the burial rite features demonstrated a sta-ble correlation between the presence of arrowheads and male burials. The archers’ burials correspond to the burial practices of the majority of the Mazunino population. Rare deviations suggest close relations between local communities and other cultures and ethnicities, primarily with nomadic tribes. Bone arrowheads as a primary weapon of the Mazunino warriors continue the previous traditions of the Ananyino, Pyany Bor (Cheganda) / Kara-Abyz Cultures. A comprehensive analysis of the inter-occurrence of implements in male equipment with arrow-heads allowed distinguishing two conventional groups of burials. The first one is characterized by the presence of only arrowheads in the burial equipment. These grave goods were typical for Mazunino population and consisted of ordinary belts, iron knives, beads, etc. The second group was significantly different, as these were individuals who were skilled in using various weapons, and their kit included various types of weapons for both close and long-range combat. Probably, there was a military gradation among such archers, which needs to be supported by analysis of a larger number of the Mazunino burials. The results of our work need to be verified using the an-thropological materials from other Mazunino burial grounds.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-262
Author(s):  
O. O. Bilynskyi

The author analyzed the problem of burial sites of the population of Scythian Age in the Seym region. Currently there are several locations associated with the local population. These are the burial sites from the Moiseevo and Maritsa hillforts and the necropolis near Dolinske village. The burials from the Moiseevo hillfort probably date back to the medieval times and the necropolis at the Maritsa settlement belonged to the Yukhniv culture. According to the available data, burial in the territory of this site was carried out after the hillfort ceased to function as a settlement — ca. 4th century BC. Necropolis near the Dolynske village is well known in the literature as an example of ground burials of the forest-steppe population of Scythian Age. However, detailed analysis of the circumstances of discovery of burials and the grave goods suggests that the burials were actually covered by the mounds but they did not survive due to the removal of soil. The grave goods is reminiscent of the nearby Sula necropolises. The lack of common burial sites in the region prompts the search for other burial rites. Traditionally cremations with the further dispersal of ashes are the common types of burial that do not leave visible burial sites but despite the complexity of their detection there are still no finds that would indicate this rite. The fragments of human bones at Shyryaevo, Kuzina Gora and Moiseyevo hillforts are the only hints that could indicate this. A round amulet which was made of human skull bone was discovered at the latter. Stray finds of human remains occurred at the sites of the entire forest-steppe territory in Scythian Age and many sites of Central Europe but the irregularity of such finds at the Seym region demonstrate that they could not be a mandatory consequence of a certain burial rite. The wide variety of analogies offers the options for the reconstruction of special burial practices that could lead to the deposition of human bones. By analogy with other cultures, the cannibalism, temporary burial at the site, and the deliberate storage of bones that may have been obtained from the burials can be assumed.


Author(s):  
R. Angus K. Smith ◽  
Mary K. Dabney ◽  
James C. Wright

From 2006 to 2008 The Canadian Institute in Greece sponsored the excavation of a Mycenaean chamber tomb cemetery at Ayia Sotira near Koutsomodi in the Nemea Valley. The five modest tombs excavated by the project were undoubtedly associated with the nearby settlement of Tsoungiza, and offer a picture of the mortuary practices associated with this settlement. The practices at Ayia Sotira describe both local funerary customs and more generally “Mycenaean” ones observable throughout Mainland Greece and the Aegean. Explanations for the local character are found in the economic conditions of the nearby settlement, in the local geology, and presumably local customs. These were documented through careful recovery of the stratigraphy and contents of the tombs, including paleobotanical, phytolith, organic residue, and micromorphological analysis. The remarkable similarity of these tombs and their contents to those excavated at neighboring Zygouries confirm the local character of chamber tomb inhumation. Yet comparison with other chamber tomb cemeteries, notably nearby Aidonia, but also with examples in the Corinthia, Argolid, and elsewhere, demonstrate the general features of a common “Mycenaean” practice. Overall, burial practices in the chamber tombs at Ayia Sotira fits our reconstruction of the inhabitants of Tsoungiza being incorporated into a social and political system dominated by the inhabitants of Mycenae during the LH IIIA2–B periods.


Sibirica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 36-43
Author(s):  
Larisa Anzhiganova ◽  
Margarita Archimacheva

Ethnic cultures experience great transformations that affect their sustainability and holistic nature. However, the traditions related to life and death are, remarkably, persisting. This articles focuses on funerary customs and burial rituals that are significant for the Khakass people. In this research of the Khakass burial rituals we bring together archaeological, ethnographic, and folklore material that reveals unique data about funerary customs. The article reviews the burial rituals in historical perspective and focuses on changes the rituals have undergone. It concludes with the summary of transformations in contemporary burial practices.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (5) ◽  
pp. 834-858
Author(s):  
Aske Damtoft Poulsen

AbstractTheAgricolahas long been a popular object of study for the connection that it makes between the British narrative of resistance against Roman domination and the Roman narrative of resistance against imperial domination. However, no agreement has been reached on the question of how exactly the two narratives ‘affect’ each other. Simultaneously, while it has often been remarked that Tacitus’ language is inherently metaphorical, there have been curiously few studies devoted to Tacitean metaphor. Based on the theory of conceptual metaphor promoted by George Lakoff, this article takes the metaphors of freedom and slavery that appear in theAgricolaas starting point for a re-evaluation of the connection between the two narratives. This novel approach to the text facilitates a deeper analysis of certain key passages of the text, and provides some much-needed nuance to the current scholarly debate.


Author(s):  
Ruth Nugent

The physical difference in the archaeological traces of the bodies produced by cremation and inhumation have polarized discussions of these two burial practices. Conceptually, the wet, fleshy, decaying inhumed body has long been viewed as the binary opposite of the dry, skeletal, fragmentary cremated body. Inhumed bodies rot in situ, usually below ground, while cremains become portable, capable of being stored above ground. Recent studies aimed at re-integrating our understanding of cremation and inhumation have tended to focus on transitions between the hiatus of one burial mode and the (re-)introduction of another (e.g. Rebay-Salisbury 2012). However, in early Anglo-Saxon England (fifth to seventh centuries AD), cremation and inhumation were concurrently practiced, often in the same cemetery for tens if not hundreds of years. Therefore focusing only on transitions substantially reduces the field of investigation. Such different but contemporaneous burial modes may well have been influenced in part by contrasting and evolving beliefs concerning the body, death and the afterlife. In a recent transhistorical study of cremation and inhumation, Katherine Rebay-Salisbury (2012) identified religion as the primary influential context for funerary practices, with social concerns influencing the choices made within religious practices. However, any divergent cosmologies underpinning this difference still remain frustratingly veiled (Hutton 2010). While early Anglo-Saxon burials reveal a degree of genuine difference in the type and quantity of grave-goods and animals accompanying cremations and inhumations, a range of similarities also exists between them, ripe for further exploration. Cemeteries from Essex and Cambridgeshire provide particularly useful evidence of both cremation and inhumation practices, especially in light of recent publications of organic-rich burial sites of the fifth and sixth centuries AD from this area, notably Mucking I and II (Hirst and Clark 2009) and Springfield Lyons (Tyler and Major 2005). Three overarching concepts of body orchestration are addressed: containment, wrapping, and structuring, the evidence for which is first outlined thematically, then discussed as a whole. These shared concepts may be symptomatic of broader concerns for managing cadavers, which transcended the cremation-inhumation divide that is most clearly expressed through artefact and animal selection.


Urban History ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-97
Author(s):  
JOHN LOWERSON

Producing and consuming studies of consumption has become a minor industry in its own right amongst the current generation of historians and it has moved significantly beyond the pioneering histories of shopping which we associate with Alison Adburgham and others. Instead, it has moved into the broader realms of cultural formation, both in wider terms of social change and in the context of regional and local identities, as well as international comparisons. So it comes as little surprise to find a batch of current studies which deal with the present complexities of scholarly approaches in distinctive but overlapping ways. In this development British historians have made significant pioneering contributions but it becomes apparent from some of the present offerings that initiatives may have moved elsewhere. That is hardly a cause for national mourning but at least some parts of the works reviewed here, written abroad, show an awareness of British developments which is too rarely reciprocated in studies originating on this side of the Channel and North Sea (or ‘German Ocean’ as more appropriate in view of the insularity which produces them). Perhaps the appalling inability to read European languages now so common amongst both under- and postgraduate students is also more widespread amongst academic historians than we have realized or are prepared to admit. It is also very likely that the situation is being exacerbated by the short termism of the Research Assessment Exercise's demands for a frequency of output which militates against the extended period necessary for sophisticated comparisons – so much of its classification of ‘international excellence’ seems more to do with single-focused rather than real international studies. Yet there is much on offer in Europe in particular which cries out for more systematic comparative analysis and some of the work reviewed here offers a good starting point.


Author(s):  
Francesca Helm

What is it? When we think about dialogue in foreign language teaching then dyadic interactions, service encounters, or role plays that students might perform in a ‘communicative’ classroom come to mind. The kind of dialogue we are talking about here instead is a form of intergroup dialogue, that is dialogue as a method of communication that can be used to explore shared issues between groups from diverse backgrounds, dialogue that highlights the importance of people’s lived experiences. For language learners, this kind of dialogue is an opportunity to communicate about themselves and their local identities, interests, and values and learn about others’. Online dialogue can bring people together to address questions that transcend their own borders, to explore common subjects but from the starting point of their locality (Canagarajah, 2004). Intergroup dialogue is led by trained facilitators who are multi-partial leaders of a group process. Their role is to create a safe and effective learning environment and model tools for effective cross-cultural, intergroup dialogue. Facilitation tools include awareness-raising and addressing group dynamics, as well as using active listening skills such as summarising, mirroring, and reframing. Facilitators can bring critical thinking to a conversation by asking good questions, exploring terminology used, and addressing not only opinions but also actions and feelings.


2015 ◽  
Vol 90 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elke Kaiser ◽  
Katja Winger

Grubengräber mit spezifischen Bestattungssitten, die in Grabhügeln im Balkan- und Karpatengebiet ausgegraben wurden, werden seit langem der Jamnaja-Kultur zugeschrieben. Die Gräber der Jamnaja-Kultur sind zwischen 3100 und 2500 v. Chr. (kalibriert) vor allem in der osteuropäischen Steppenzone zwischen den Ostkarpaten und dem südlichen Uralvorland verbreitet. Das Auftreten von vergleichbaren Grabanlagen westlich dieser Hauptverbreitungszone wurde immer wieder mit Migrationen aus der Steppe erklärt, deren Verlauf sehr unterschiedlich gedeutet wurde.Seit der umfassenden Studie von I. Panajotov ist die Zahl an archäologisch untersuchten Grabhügeln im heutigen Bulgarien angewachsen, so dass die darin freigelegten Grubengräber neu bewertet werden können. Insgesamt 162 Gräber weisen charakteristische Kennzeichen auf, die es erlauben, sie der Jamnaja-Kultur zuzuordnen. Sie lassen sich in drei regionale Gruppen im Nordwesten, Nordosten und im Süden des heutigen Bulgariens unterteilen.Eine Serie von 14C-Daten zeigt, dass die Gräber in den drei Regionen zwischen 3100 und 2500 cal BC angelegt wurden, was für eine Zuwanderung über einen längeren Zeitraum hinweg spricht. Insbesondere in Thrakien belegt die Beigabe von Gefäßen aus dem lokalen Kulturmilieu in den Bestattungen der Jamnaja-Kultur einen intensiven Kontakt der Zuwanderer mit der Bevölkerung, die dort in den Tellsiedlungen lebte.Die Steinstelen und die Ausstattung der Verstorbenen in den westpontischen Grabkomplexen mit Spiralringen sind Attribute, wie sie aus Bestattungen der Jamnaja-Kultur im nordwestlichen Schwarzmeerraum überliefert sind. Daher wird diese als Herkunftsregion der vermutlich eher kleineren Populationsgruppen diskutiert, die über mehrere Jahrhunderte hinweg in das heutige Bulgarien einwanderten. Soweit die immer noch nur auf Gräbern beruhende Quellenlage überhaupt verlässliche Rückschlüsse zulässt, ergibt sich ein Bild kommunikativer Prozesse, die zwischen der lokalen und der zugewanderten Bevölkerung stattfanden. Die in der Forschung wiederholt beschworene Überlegenheit seitens der Steppenbewohner ist in den Befunden nirgends zu erkennen.Les tombes à fosses avec rites funéraires spécifiques fouillées dans les Balkans et la région des Carpates ont depuis longtemps été attribuées à la culture Yamna. Ces sépultures, qui datent entre environ 3100 et 2500 cal BC, sont réparties avant tout dans la zone des steppes d’Europe orientale, entre les Carpates et les régions limitrophes de l’Oural du sud. La présence de tombes semblables à l’ouest de cette zone a été considérée à maintes reprises comme preuve d’une immigration de populations venant des steppes, bien que les modalités de cette immigration aient été interprétées de manières diverses.Depuis la parution des travaux exhaustifs d’I. Panajatov, le nombre de tumuli fouillés sur le territoire de la Bulgarie moderne s’est accru, ce qui nous permet de réévaluer les tombes à fosses qu’ils contenaient. En tout 162 tombes exhibent des traits caractéristiques de la culture Yamna. Elles peuvent être classées en trois groupes répartis sur le nord-ouest, le nord-est et le sud de la Bulgarie actuelle.Une série de dates radiocarbone indique que les tombes à fosses de ces trois régions ont été établies entre 3100 et 2500 cal BC, ce qui laisse penser à une migration sur une durée prolongée. Le fait que des vases de production locale appartenant à une culture indigène aient été inclus dans le mobilier des sépultures Yamna en Thrace suggère que des contacts étroits existaient entre les immigrants et la population autochtone qui à cette époque habitaient des tells.Les stèles en pierre et la présence d’anneaux en spirale dans le mobilier des ensembles funéraires à l’ouest du Pont-Euxin sont des traits qui surviennent dans les sépultures de la culture Yamna du nord-ouest de la Mer Noire. Cette constatation forme le point de départ d’une discussion qui cherche à déterminer la zone d’origine de groupes (vraisemblablement plus petits) qui auraient émigré en Bulgarie actuelle au cours de plusieurs siècles. Les données à notre disposition – uniquement funéraires – suggèrent que nous avons affaire à des processus de communication entre les populations indigènes et immigrantes. Il n’existe aucune preuve archéologique étayant la thèse si souvent réitérée d’une domination des peuplades venant des steppes.Pit graves with evidence of specific burial rites excavated in the Balkans and the Carpathians have long been attributed to the Yamnaya culture. These burials, dated to between 3100 and 2500 cal BC, are mainly distributed in the eastern European steppe zone between the eastern Carpathians and the area bordering the southern Urals. The presence of similar burials west of this zone has repeatedly been taken to be evidence of migration out of the steppes, although its course has been interpreted in a number of ways.Since I. Panayotov’s comprehensive study of these burials, the number of burial mounds excavated in present-day Bulgaria has grown, which makes it possible to re-examine the pit burials within them. A total of 162 graves possess characteristic traits of the Yamnaya culture. They can be divided into three regional groups, in the northwest, north-east and south of present-day Bulgaria.A series of 14C determinations dates the establishment of the pit graves in all three regions to between 3100 and 2600 cal BC, which suggests that migrations took place over an extended period. In particular the custom of including vessels belonging to an indigenous culture among the grave goods of the Yamnaya burials in Thrace suggests that there were close contacts between the immigrants and the local population that lived in tell settlements.Stone stelae and the inclusion of spiral rings among the grave goods of the western Pontic burial complexes are traits that have been recorded in the burials of the Yamnaya Culture in the north-western Black Sea zone. This forms the starting point of a discussion examining the area of origin of presumably smaller population groups that migrated to present-day Bulgaria over several centuries. As far as the evidence – which still relies on burials only – allows, it appears that we are dealing with processes of communication between the local and the immigrant population. There is no archaeological evidence for the dominance of the steppe people repeatedly cited in the literature.


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