scholarly journals The Impact of Civil Conflict on Child Malnutrition and Mortality, Nigeria, 2002-2013

Author(s):  
Embry Howell ◽  
Timothy Waidmann ◽  
Nikhil Holla ◽  
Nancy Birdsall ◽  
Kevin Jiang
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Embry Howell ◽  
Timothy Waidmann ◽  
Nancy Birdsall ◽  
Nikhil Holla ◽  
Kevin Jiang

Author(s):  
Abdulhakim W Zaggut ◽  
Abdulhakim W Zaggut ◽  
Muhammad M Rahman ◽  
Youssef G ◽  
Holmes S ◽  
...  

Injury to the craniomaxillofacial (CMF) area has major implications for mortality and morbidity depending on many factors that influence the level of treatment. In warzones, the extent of CMF injuries is amplified mainly due to the damage caused by bomb blasts. This study presents CMF injury as the result of war incidents to highlight the differences in injury type as well as the impact that an austere environment has on treatment. The author has unique insight and experience of treating CMF injuries in Misrata, Libya, where there is ongoing civil conflict. Surgeons in Libyan hospitals require intensive training intervention to effectively manage gunshot injuries, blast injuries and disasters and while these cases represent an austere environment, conclusions can be drawn for recent incidents involving terrorism. This study presents an analysis of injury patterns of patients presenting with CMF trauma during the Misrata battle of the Libyan conflict in 2011.


Desertion ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
Théodore McLauchlin

This chapter develops the account of desertion primarily in the context of the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939, which clarifies the role of several variables through Spain. It looks at many different organizations on both the rebel side and the Republican side in order to examine the impact of different armed group characteristics on desertion. It uses the Spain case study to understand desertion dynamics in a particularly fascinating civil conflict. The chapter focuses on the Republican side, analyzing the dynamics of its relatively high rate of desertion at various points in the conflict. It demonstrates norms of cooperation and coercion at the micro level to statistically assess individual soldiers' decisions to fight or to flee.


Author(s):  
Roman David ◽  
Ian Holliday

Democratization necessarily takes place within a specific national context marked by prior historical experience. This chapter examines historical factors in the Myanmar case as a means of understanding the social and political underpinnings of the current transition. It focuses on legacies of colonization by Britain in the middle of the nineteenth century, a growing nationalist struggle and devastating warfare in the first half of the twentieth century, shifting forms of civil conflict since independence, a phase of liberal democracy in the initial years of state sovereignty, and military-backed or military-directed authoritarianism for nearly half a century thereafter. It looks particularly at the impact of successive colonial, democratic, and military regimes, and at crosscutting legacies of repression, militarization of ethnic relations, and social exclusion of the Rohingya Muslim minority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316801772205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany S. Chu ◽  
Alex Braithwaite

There has been a great deal of discussion about the large volumes of foreign fighters involved in civil conflicts in Syria and Iraq over recent years. Yet, there remains little systematic evidence about the effect, if any, that foreign fighters have upon the conflicts they join. Existing literature distinguishes between the resources fighters bring to rebel groups and the liability they represent in regards to campaign cohesion. We seek to establish preliminary evidence as to whether or not foreign fighters contribute to the success of the campaigns they join. Our multinomial logistic and competing risks regression analyses of civil conflicts between 1946 and 2013 suggest that foreign fighters are associated with a decreased likelihood of government victory. Furthermore, we offer partial evidence to suggest that foreign fighters from non-contiguous countries are more likely to help rebels achieve a negotiated settlement or to continue their struggle against the government, but not to directly help them achieve victory.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Levin ◽  
Dan Miodownik

AbstractThere is today a well-established consensus that belligerents must be disarmed in order to reconstruct shattered states and establish a robust and durable peace in the wake of internal armed conflict. Indeed, nearly every UN peacekeeping intervention since the end of the Cold War has included disarmament provisions in its mandate. Disarmament is guided by the arrestingly simple premise that weapons cause conflict and, therefore, must be eradicated for a civil conflict to end. If the means by which combatants fight are eliminated, it is thought, actors will have little choice but to commit to peace. Disarmament is, therefore, considered a necessary condition for establishing the lasting conditions for peace. To date, however, no systematic quantitative analysis has been undertaken of the practice of disarmament and the causal mechanisms remain underspecified. This paper is a preliminary attempt to fill that gap. In it we outline a series of hypotheses with which to run future statistical analyses on the effects of disarmament programs. The success of negotiations and the durability of peace are, perhaps, the single most salient issues concerning those engaged in conflict termination efforts. We therefore focus the bulk of this paper on a review of the supposed effects of disarmament on negotiating outcomes and war recurrence.


Subject Narrowing political freedom in the Gulf. Significance Political freedoms in the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have been severely curtailed by a series of security policy responses to the 2011 Arab uprisings. Cyber crime laws have become more restrictive, the definition for terrorism much more expansive, and the six states have passed a controversial agreement coordinating internal security. Although the impact of the new measures has varied from one country to another, it has been most pronounced in Kuwait, which traditionally has had the most vocal and participatory political landscape. Impacts Intra-GCC security coordination will intensify as external threats such as the Islamic State group and the civil conflict in Yemen grow. Silencing of dissent reduces credibility of GCC representative bodies already afflicted by opposition boycott and low turnout. Gulf officials will emphasise the importance of political stability in justifying the political crackdown to Western counterparts. Such co-ordination will facilitate cross-border arrests, narrowing the space for political opposition across the Gulf. Intensification of patronage politics (through increased public sector employment) will undermine long-term employment goals for nationals.


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