Economic Consequences of the United Nations Security Council Sanctions against North Korea on Targeted and Untargeted Sectors

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiaxuan Lu
Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilsoo David Cho ◽  
Meredith Jung-En Woo

In 2006 North Korea raised its well-honed skill at brinkmanship to a new height. In July it tested seven missiles and, three months later, a modest-sized plutonium-fueled bomb. The response of the United Nations Security Council was swift, imposing on North Korea stringent sanctions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
A. Itumo ◽  
F.C. Nnaji ◽  
H.N. Nwobashi

The continued nuclear enrichment by North Korea despite several sanctions from the United Nations Security Council has continued to attract mixed reactions from scholars, security experts, policy makers and strategic thinkers. The issue has generated serious controversy which has  become a critical subject of concern that dominates debates in many international and local discourses since the recent time. In most of these fora relevant stakeholders have proposed solutions for the denuclearization of North Korea in view of its implications for both regional stability and global security. This paper interrogates the import and feasibility of the freeze-for-freeze option proposed by Russia and China for the denuclearization of North Korea. Data for the study were sourced from secondary sources, specifically from published journal articles, official gazettes from relevant government agencies and institutions. The theoretical framework that anchors the study is the theory of Collective Security  while content analytical technique is employed for data analysis. A critical analysis of data revealed among others, that; North Korea’s nuclear armament has thrown up tension in the Korea peninsula which poses a grave threat to South East Asian stability, global peace and security. This is  further exacerbated by frequent joint military drills between the United States and South Korea close to North Korean border. The study also discovered that the use of sanctions has failed to disempower North Korea from becoming a nuclear power hence the argument for the adoption of Freeze-for-Freeze option. The study recommended amongst others that the United Nations Security Council members should cooperate and adopt  a nonmilitary option towards North Korea’s denuclearization in order to save the world from a nuclear war. Furthermore, the US should reconsider a cessation of her joint military drills with South Korea in exchange for a full disarmament of all North Korean nuclear weapons and associated  facilities. In all, the paper recommended for an internationally supervised peace treaty between North and South Korea that pledges mutual non-aggression and restoration of full diplomatic relations. Keywords:  Nuclear Weapons, Proliferation, Sanctions, Freeze-for-Freeze, Denuclearization


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-328
Author(s):  
Catherine O’Rourke

AbstractThe gendered implications of COVID-19, in particular in terms of gender-based violence and the gendered division of care work, have secured some prominence, and ignited discussion about prospects for a ‘feminist recovery’. In international law terms, feminist calls for a response to the pandemic have privileged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), conditioned—I argue—by two decades of the pursuit of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda through the UNSC. The deficiencies of the UNSC response, as characterised by the Resolution 2532 adopted to address the pandemic, manifest yet again the identified deficiencies of the WPS agenda at the UNSC, namely fragmentation, securitisation, efficacy and legitimacy. What Resolution 2532 does bring, however, is new clarity about the underlying reasons for the repeated and enduring nature of these deficiencies at the UNSC. Specifically, the COVID-19 ‘crisis’ is powerful in exposing the deficiencies of the crisis framework in which the UNSC operates. My reflections draw on insights from Hilary Charlesworth’s seminal contribution ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’ to argue that, instead of conceding the ‘crisis’ framework to the pandemic by prioritising the UNSC, a ‘feminist recovery’ must instead follow Charlesworth’s exhortation to refocus on an international law of the everyday.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document